Three were instantly killed and others wounded on the enemy side. One (1) M60 machine gun, two (2) M16 rifles and one (1) M14 were seized from the enemy. The ambushed troops of the 3rd SF BN was on combat patrol as part of the enemy’s Reengineered Special Operations Team (RSOT).

The NPA tactical offensive serves as a punitive action against the 3rd SF Bn who had been responsible for the series of violations to human rights, protocols of war and international humanitarian law in Comval, to wit:

The 3rd SF Bn masterminded the bombing that wounded young civilians in Poblacion, Nabunturan town last June; the bombing was a desperate and fascist attack in response to the sparrow operations of the NPA which killed two of their soldiers at that time.

Second, the 3rd SF Bn operatives killed farmer leader and barangay councilor Noli Llanos of Barangay Mipangi, Nabunturan last June. This occurred after NPA sparrow operations killed three AFP troops; two of whom died on the spot.

Third, they also killed farmer leader Diego Encarnacion of Barangay Linda, Nabunturan last July following an NPA raid disarming the 72nd Infantry Battalion-AFP detachment in that village.

Fourth, the 3rd SF Bn mauled a farmer known as Pascual who hails from sitio Cebuli, Barangay Kapatagan, Laak. This occurred after three members of the 3rd SF Bn were killed and two others wounded during an encounter with the NPA last September.

Fifth, as part of the Oplan Bantay Laya II, the 3rd SF Bn conducted continuous and vicious military operations in Monkayo. Suffering defeat upon defeat from NPA tactical operations, the 3rd SF Bn turns to hapless civilians, in complete violation to the protocols of war.

Indeed, the 3rd Special Forces Bn–this so-called elite AFP unit– is further isolated from the people. Clearly, Oplan Bantay Laya II of the US-Arroyo regime has no where to go but to doom.

L’elezione di Obama rappresenta la risposta della classe dominante USA alla
crisi economica (crack finanziario- recessione, ma anche lunga e prolungata
crisi del paese scaricata sui proletari e le masse povere all’interno e
all’esterno) , alla crisi politico-militare - i colpi inflitti dalla
resistenza antimperialista dei popoli Irak, Afganistan, ecc- , al cui
interno esiste l’elemento di qualità delle guerre popolari - alla crisi di
egemonia geostrategica verso gli imperialismi vecchi e nuovi europa urss
cina, alla crisi morale e culturale all’interno del paese: la crisi del
sogno americano, l’impoverimento delle classi medie, distacco e ostilità
profonda delle classi popolari
Ma essa non ha futuro, e sicuramente non ne avrà se i prometari e i popoli
popoli del mondo non
si fanno ingannare o coinvolgere in essa e cogliendo l’elemento di debolezza
e non di forza che questa elezione esprime, intensifichino la loro lotta di
liberazione antimperialista per un mondo senza imperialismo e guerra
L’elezione di Obama non è un fattore di pace, perchè gli imperialismi vecchi
e nuovi russia europa giappone ina in collusione -contesa cercheranno di
cogliere l’occasione per far
avanzare i propri interessi nell’assetto multipolare del sistema
imperialista globale
All’interno degli USA la profondità della crisi richiede soluzioni radicali
e Obama come tutti i politici del suo stampo non è in grado di soddisfare
le masse ma è sufficientemente in grado e percepito come nemico
da una parte consistente dell’establishment USA e dai settori
reazionari della media piccola borghesia, aristocrazia operaia
per cui non
la pace sociale ma la lotta sociale e politica, lo attende
una lotta di classe crogiuolo e arena della costruzione del partito
rivoluzionario proletario, multinazionale e internazionalista negli USA

proletari comunisti-PCm- Italy
Novembre2008

report in italian

Peppe e Pasquale, entrambi 17 anni , cresciuti insieme fin da piccoli nel
quartiere popolare dell’Albergheria a Palermo, amici per la pelle.
La vita in un quartiere popolare come l’Albergheria non è certo la stessa di
chi vive in Via Libertà o in generale nei quartieri della borghesia
palermitana pieni di belle vetrine “presidiate” da “poliziotti di quartiere”.
A Palermo in molti quartieri popolari spesso manca l’acqua per molte ore del
giorno, il tasso di disoccupazione e elevato e altrettanto quello di
dispersione scolastica.
In due parole devi lottare per sopravvivere, devi arrangiarti.
Ma ciò non accade solo a Palermo, in tutte le metropoli imperialiste i
proletari subiscono “l’ordine” e “i pacchetti sicurezza” della borghesia che
protegge le sue cittadelle con le vetrine e i bei locali alla moda e
contemporaneamente dispensa miseria per le masse lavoratrici e popolari.
La borghesia che sta militarizzando sempre più lo Stato che si trasforma
progressivamente in stato di polizia che marcia verso un moderno fascismo,
dove anche chi combatte legittimamente per i propri diritti è visto come un
sovversivo terrorista, la borghesia che colpisce quotidianamente tutti i
proletari bianchi e neri non importa il colore della pelle come abbiamo
visto negli ultimi giorni a Milano,Parma e Castelvolturno.
In una città piena di problemi sociali come disoccupazione ed emergenza casa
dove il sindaco Cammarata invece di fornire servizi sociali ne restringe la
fruibilità aumentando ad esempio il biglietto dell’autobus da 1? a 1,20? (e
a Palermo si può aspettare alla fermata anche più di 1 ora…) dove fa
caricare dalla polizia i senza casa mentre ci sono decine e decine di
immobili confiscati alla mafia e mentre l’entourage del consiglio comunale è
costituito da parenti e amici, dove lo stesso consiglio comunale cavalcando
l’onda dei superpoteri ai sindaci sceriffo sforna un pacchetto per il
“decoro della città” che si traduce in ulteriore repressione, un esempio su
tutti : anche durante una protesta autorizzata è vietato affiggere manifesti
o similia su edifici pubblici….
Peppe e Pasquale sono stati uccisi da questa “eccessiva sicurezza”che fa si
che due giovani cresciuti in un tale contesto in cui tutto quel poco che
hanno non glielo ha regalato nessuno, in cui le istituzioni e i politici non
hanno mai mosso un dito per migliorarne le condizioni sociali anzi ne sono
causa diretta, in questo contesto giustamente i due giovani in questione
vedono due poliziotti per ciò che realmente sono : due arroganti servi del
sistema in divisa che di certo non stanno dalla loro parte .
La sola “colpa” di Peppe e Pasquale è di non aver riconosciuto l’autorità
dei due servi in divisa non fermandosi ad un posto di blocco e da qui si è
scatenato l’inseguimento ,definito eccessivo anche dallo stesso parroco che
ha celebrato i funerali, conclusosi tragicamente con uno scontro frontale
con un’auto.
Una scena simile potrebbe essere accaduta benissimo in una periferia
francese dove già più di una volta in dinamiche simili dei giovani proletari
sono morti in incidenti stradali causati da inseguimenti della polizia.
E come è successo molte volte nelle banlieues parigine anche all’Albergheria
il dolore si è trasformato in rabbia, rabbia montata ancor di più dopo che
in seguito alla comparsa di scritte sui muri di tutto il quartiere e del
mercato Ballarò come ad esempio “Peppe e Pasquale sarete sempre nei nostri
cuori” la polizia ha tentato di cancellarle.
Dopo l’uccisione anche la beffa verso il dolore di chi ha perso due amici e
compagni di vita.
Giustamente i giovani proletari dell’Albergheria si sono ribellati all’arroganza
dello Stato e dei suoi servi in divisa facendo esplodere una rivolta all’interno
del quartiere attaccando le vile forze repressive arrivate per spegnere le
scintille di ribellione e odio provocate dalla morte prematura dei due
giovani.
I giovani maoisti di Red Block solidarizzano in pieno con la gioventù
proletaria che si ribella da Parigi a Palermo e ne sono parte integrante
nelle lotte.

Per abbattere questo sistema basato sullo sfruttamento del lavoro salariato
e che sforna solo precarietà miseria morte bisogna organizzarsi!

La gioventù proletaria deve organizzarsi per cambiare il proprio destino!

Viva la rivolta della gioventù proletaria a Palermo e ovunque!

Trasformare la rivolta in rivoluzione!

Red Block Palermo
redblock@email. it

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Io utilizzo la versione gratuita di SPAMfighter per utenti privati. Sino ad ora
ha rimosso 1574 mail spam.
Gli utenti paganti non hanno questo messaggio nelle loro email .
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With revolutionary greetings,
Com. Amulya Sen Birth Centenary Celebration Commitee

Celebrate Birth Centenary of Comrade Amulya Sen

Comrades and Friends,

This year, 2008 is the birth centenary of Com. Amulya Sen, the freedom fighter and the communist revolutionary of India.

Com. Sen was born in 1908 in Sonarang village of Bikrampur of Dhaka district in present Bangladesh. He completed his formal education after obtaining gold medal in B.Sc. and 1st class in B.T examinations from the University of Dhaka. However, leaving a comfortable and peaceful life, in his youth Com. Sen rushed to the revolutionary armed struggle against British imperialism with a dream of an independent India, and took the membership of ‘Anushilan Samity’.

In forties of the last century he studied Marxism-Leninism in great detail during his prison-life. He joined the Communist Party of India (CPI) once he was released.

In the two-line struggle within CPI, Com. Amulya Sen played very important role. Against Titoite-Trotskite line, he boldly supported the line of Com. Stalin, the document of Andhra Secretariat and the great Telengana movement. Based on the party’s “Tactical Line” of 1951 Com. Sen fought the battle and was elected the secretary of the Hoogly district committee of CPI. The “Tactical Line” of 1951 was consistent with the line of Chinese revolution and opposite to the line formulated by B. T. Ranadive, inspired by the line of Trotsky-Tito.

As soon as com. Stalin passed away in 1953, the revisionist line returned back in the party. Com. Sen was shifted from his position of Hoogly district committee secretary. But, he kept on ideological debate uninterruptedly. In the 20th Congress of CPSU in 1956 Khrushchev put forward the reactionary- revisionist theory of peaceful transition to socialism. It resulted in fierce ideological debate in the international communist movement. Debate was continued in CPI as well. Com. Amulya Sen was one of the front liners in India who, in support of the line of Com. Stalin, fought against the revisionist line of 20th congress. When CPC under Com. Mao started great debate in international communist movement against Khrushchev revisionists, Com. Sen fought the ideological struggle in support of the CPC line.

In November, 1964 the CPI underwent a split in its 7th congress. CPI(Marxist) was formed. From the very beginning Com. Sen called the draft programme of CPI(M) as revisionist. He realized that the party leadership would not direct the ideological debate in Marxist manner; rather it would impose the revisionist line in bureaucratic way. Under this circumstance, in order to unite the revolutionary section of the party he started to publish “Chinta”, the underground bulletin in 1964-65 within the party’s rank and file. In its six issues the subjects of the articles published in “Chinta” were: The state character of India, The path of Indian revolution, Role of PL-480 as a weapon of neo-colonial exploitation, Programme of 7th congress of the Party and the nature of revisionist leadership etc. “Chinta” resulted in waves of debate in the party that was felt even in the mass organizations.

With a view to expanding the sphere of debate, Com. Sen, with Com. Chadrasekhar Das and Com. Kanai Chatterjee, started publishing ‘’Dakshin Desh”, an open bi-weekly magazine since August, 1966. In this period, other groups in Kolkata started the debate as well and in Siliguri, Com. Charu Mazumdar and others continued the same debate.

With the heritage of the Telengana movement and inspired by the international great debate, the Naxalbari peasant movement was exploded in 1967 under the leadership of Com. Charu Mazumdar. Following the great revolutionary peasant movement of Naxalbari Com. Amulya Sen took initiative in the ideological struggle against the various rightist trends of opportunism, liberalism and economism in order to unite all communist revolutionaries in a genuine communist party. Meanwhile, under the leadership of Com. Charu Mazumdar CPI(Marxist- Leninist) was formed in 22 April, 1969. Because of the differences in a number of ideological and political questions and in the methodology of party formation, the “Dakshin Desh” group kept itself outside the newly formed party. Com. Sen strongly favoured the notion of having a single all India party. As it was not possible at that moment, he along with Com. Kanai Chatterjee and Com. Chandrasekhar Das founded Maoist Communist Centre by thoroughly organizing the “Dakshin Desh” group in 20 October 1969 for the continuation of revolutionary activities with the orientation of unification of the communist revolutionaries in a single party in future.

Com. Sen strongly believed that without mobilizing and politically activating the workers and peasants, the basic force of revolution, the revolutionary actions of a handful of self-sacrificing ideologues could not abolish the imperialism and the feudalism. He also believed that without agrarian revolution no revolutionary task could be achieved in our country. He did continue his theoretical and practical tasks adhering to this basic political line throughout his prolonged revolutionary life. Till his last day, 23 March, 1981, he was a tireless and strong-minded revolutionary communist warrior.

With a desperate attempt to overcome the ever-deepening crisis in the imperialist world, imperialist powers, in one hand, implement their aggressive war strategy in different countries and are engaged in frantic arm race; on the other hand, they maximize the plunder over India and other third world countries with the policy of globalization. In the name of industrialization, urbanization as well as special economic zone and infrastructure formation, the imperialist transnational- multinational companies now directly control the industries, agriculture and other economic sectors of India. Acquisition of farmland and extensive eviction of peasants have been undergoing in the name of development. The CPI(M) led left front and other governments in different states of India help implementation of plunder and eviction policy. On the other hand, peasantry has been continuing their resistance. The struggles in Singur, Nandigram and in other areas are the burning examples of such resistance. It is to be noted that Com Amulya Sen and his fellow warriors once started ideological struggle against those very revisionist forces, which are now in power to evict the peasantry at the behest of local and foreign exploiting classes. It does manifest the political far-sightedness of Com. Sen. To celebrate the birth centenary of Com. Sen means to take lessons from his hard revolutionary life, from his ideology of self-sacrifice, and above all from his political far-sightedness. We have to stand by the struggles of the masses of different strata including worker and peasants by assimilating the teachings of Com. Sen. It is the best way of paying homage to Com. Amulya Sen.

With revolutionary greetings,
Kolkata Com. Amulya Sen
21 September, 2008 Birth Centenary Celebration Committee

Make the SEMINAR on
Com. Amulya Sen Birth Centenary a Grand Success
Venue: Theosophical Society (1st Floor)
College Square, Kolkata, India
Date: 21 October, 2008 (2-00pm)

The alleged members of the PCP detonated explosives as the vehicles passed by. A shootout followed that lasted several hours, the Armed Forces said in a statement.

A further 11 soldiers were injured, while several soldiers and some weapons remained missing and were in the hands of the masses.

Before the ambush, the Armed Forces had said five alleged Maoists and one soldier had died in clashes, which also left 18 fascist soldiers injured.

Since August, the Peruvian military has engaged in a broad ‘anti- rebel operation’ in the VRAE region, comprising the provinces of Junin, Ayacucho and Cusco, where there is also a strong presence of revolutionaries.

The PCP was very active in the 1980s, as it exercised great peoples struggle in its self-declared quest to set up peoples republic.

The question is now haunting the police administration and intelligence agencies working in both the States. The killing of two top Maoists near Narayanpatna two days back in an encounter is a pointer towards the question. Considering backwardness of the region and inaction of the administration, the Maoists have started their operation first in Malkangiri in 1980s. Since then, Malkangiri has been the base area of Maoists of Orissa, Chhattisgarh and Andhra Pradesh. Over the years, they have expanded their base to whole of southern Orissa. In recent years, there have been frequent Maoist attacks in Naranyanpatna putting the police on their toes. Despite presence of CRPF and armed forces in Narayanpatna, Maoist-related incidents continue to occur in the area.

Having over 1,000 km radius of dense forests that border the two States, this area has lately turned into a haven for the Maoist led People’s War. Sources said that due to frequent police raids in Malkangiri, the Maoists have shifted their base to Narayanpatna and their meetings are mostly conducted in this area. As many as 10 encounters have been recorded by in this area during the last few weeks. The inaccessible hilly terrain makes it their favourable hideout.

MOVILIZACIÓN EL 15 DE OCTUBRE DE 2008 A LAS 5 PM DESDE EL MINISTERIO DE DESPROTECCIÓN SOCIAL (CARRERA 13 CON CALLE 32) HASTA LA PLAZA DE BOLÍVAR.

GRAN MOVILIZACION CONTRA EL REGIMEN DE URIBE Y EN SOLIDARIDAD CON LA HUELGA DE LOS CORTEROS DE CAÑA

Este es un momento propicio para asestarle un duro golpe a la política hambreadora del régimen de Uribe, aprovechando las contradicciones entre las facciones burguesas presentes en el Estado reaccionario, apoyando la lucha de los corteros de caña y desatando la furia popular, encausándola en un solo torrente revolucionario para conseguir todos los objetivos del pueblo colombiano.

Nuestros hermanos de clase los corteros de caña del Valle y el Cauca vienen librando una Huelga magnifica que representa el clamor de la mayoría de los proletarios en Colombia: Estabilidad laboral y aumento de salarios. En los ingenios de Incauca, Providencia, Manuelita, María luisa, Mayagüez, Pichichi, Tumaco y castilla los vientos de lucha se esparcen por todo el Valle y hoy aguardan el eco que debe hacerse en el resto del país pues la situación de los compañeros es la que vivimos los obreros a diario, con salarios de hambre, que para el caso de los corteros es de $200.000 quincenales o menos, habiendo trabajado 12 o más horas diarias.

Hoy los obreros agrícolas han acogido la huelga como la mejor forma de lucha para reivindicar derechos fundamentales para ellos y sus familias, actuando como gente de avanzada, gente que ha vivido en carne propia la opresión y explotación capitalista y por ello se organiza, porque también tenemos nuestra historia y porque en Colombia la agudización de las contradicciones en el régimen de Uribe nos ha hecho aprender en poco tiempo que la pelea es peleando y no concertando ni conciliando hasta el punto de sostener un paro de ya casi un mes que reporta millonarias pérdidas para los parásitos dueños de los ingenios, manteniéndose firmes en sus exigencias porque saben que acabando con las Cooperativas de Trabajo Asociado y con un aumento de salarios mejorarán temporalmente sus condiciones de vida y trabajo, exigiendo también salud, educación y vivienda como todos los colombianos.

Esta batalla es trascendental para el conjunto de la clase obrera en Colombia porque ataca directamente a las Cooperativas de Trabajo Asociado, que en los últimos años han sido uno de los instrumentos predilectos de los capitalistas para obtener enormes ganancias a costa de la miseria y el hambre; pues tras la farsa de la libre asociación de los trabajadores se han convertido en infiernos de sobre explotación del proletariado y una muestra es la dura situación que viven los corteros de caña en el país, de los cuales cerca de 9500 en los departamentos del Valle, Cauca y Risaralda están siendo oprimidos de esta forma.

Así mismo, la huelga de los corteros es un duro golpe contra el cuarto mayor monopolio de la economía Colombiana: La organización Ardila Lulle propietaria de los ingenios Providencia, Incauca y Risaralda (los dos primeros se encuentran en huelga) Postobon, RCN, Peldar y Tapas la Libertad, organización que a través de la humillación y superexplotació n obtuvo un margen de utilidad de 30 mil millones de pesos en el 2007 y hoy se niega a pagar los salarios que exigen los corteros de caña quienes han dejado un pedazo de su vida en los cañaverales a cambio las migajas que pagan quienes se rascan el ombligo mientras nosotros padecemos el oprobio del capitalismo.

Por ello hoy el régimen de Uribe además de estar presionado por sus compinches capitalistas quienes reportan grandes pérdidas con el paro, también lo está por la necesidad de la firma del Tratado de Libre Comercio con Estados Unidos para lo cual ha sacado una nueva ley supuestamente para regular las Cooperativas de Trabajo Asociado y mostrarse como un garante de la defensa de los trabajadores, cuando en realidad es él quien las promueve desde el Estado y en alianza con la monopolios capitalistas impuso la ley 50 que acabó con la estabilidad laboral de los trabajadores en Colombia en los años 90, pero esta es apenas una de la salidas, también está la represión directa del Estado, forma predilecta del régimen para callar la voz de miles de explotados que no temen a nada, que no tienen nada que perder, por el contrario que son ahora el ejemplo en la mira de sus hermanos de clase quienes no dudamos en solidarizarnos, denunciar, apoyar materialmente y con nuestros propios esfuerzos su lucha que representa la lucha de toda nuestra clase.

Los compañeros corteros de caña se encuentran asediados por la situación económica, por las asociaciones de los capitalistas: ASOCAÑA, la ANDI y el Estado y hasta por los dirigentes de las centrales obreras, quienes han asumido una posición cómplice con el régimen de Uribe, dado que en lugar de convocar a la movilización del pueblo en solidaridad con la huelga han permitido que algunos de sus sindicatos actúen en contra de ella con posiciones de esquiroles o rompehuelgas y solo se atreven a convocar a marchar para guardar las apariencias y no quedar en evidencia como vendeobreros.

El proletariado en general no puede ser indiferente ante esta situación pues una victoria de los corteros de caña beneficiaria no solo a sus condiciones de vida particular sino que sería un triunfo para todo el proletariado en Colombia lo cual nos permite avanzar en la lucha contra el régimen de Uribe y prepararnos para próximas batallas hacia el paro de la producción de todo el país que ya viene tomando forma a través de la decidida lucha de las masas, además conscientemente no podemos permitir que masacren a nuestros hermanos de clase a sabiendas de que sus exigencias son más que justas y por eso debemos ponernos del lado de los corteros de caña y brindar solidaridad efectiva, enviando delegaciones de luchadores de las masas a la zona de los ingenios, entregando apoyo económico, denunciando a los capitalistas y movilizándonos con independencia contra el estado que es el principal instrumento de los capitalistas para defender sus intereses y mantener sometido al proletariado.

Por eso el Comité de Lucha Popular de Bogotá los invita a la reunión preparatoria de la movilización del 15 de octubre de 2008, a realizarse el jueves 9 de octubre a las 6 PM en la Cra 3 No. 14-48 Asociación de Recicladores de Bogotá.

MOVILIZACIÓN EL 15 DE OCTUBRE DE 2008 A LAS 5 PM DESDE EL MINISTERIO DE DESPROTECCIÓN SOCIAL (CARRERA 13 CON CALLE 32) HASTA LA PLAZA DE BOLÍVAR.

TODOS A LA CALLE EL 15 DE OCTUBRE

GRAN MOVILIZACION CONTRA EL REGIMEN DE URIBE Y EN SOLIDARIDAD CON LA HUELGA DE LOS CORTEROS DE CAÑA

Este es un momento propicio para asestarle un duro golpe a la política hambreadora del régimen de Uribe, aprovechando las contradicciones entre las facciones burguesas presentes en el Estado reaccionario, apoyando la lucha de los corteros de caña y desatando la furia popular, encausándola en un solo torrente revolucionario para conseguir todos los objetivos del pueblo colombiano.

Nuestros hermanos de clase los corteros de caña del Valle y el Cauca vienen librando una Huelga magnifica que representa el clamor de la mayoría de los proletarios en Colombia: Estabilidad laboral y aumento de salarios. En los ingenios de Incauca, Providencia, Manuelita, María luisa, Mayagüez, Pichichi, Tumaco y castilla los vientos de lucha se esparcen por todo el Valle y hoy aguardan el eco que debe hacerse en el resto del país pues la situación de los compañeros es la que vivimos los obreros a diario, con salarios de hambre, que para el caso de los corteros es de $200.000 quincenales o menos, habiendo trabajado 12 o más horas diarias.

Hoy los obreros agrícolas han acogido la huelga como la mejor forma de lucha para reivindicar derechos fundamentales para ellos y sus familias, actuando como gente de avanzada, gente que ha vivido en carne propia la opresión y explotación capitalista y por ello se organiza, porque también tenemos nuestra historia y porque en Colombia la agudización de las contradicciones en el régimen de Uribe nos ha hecho aprender en poco tiempo que la pelea es peleando y no concertando ni conciliando hasta el punto de sostener un paro de ya casi un mes que reporta millonarias pérdidas para los parásitos dueños de los ingenios, manteniéndose firmes en sus exigencias porque saben que acabando con las Cooperativas de Trabajo Asociado y con un aumento de salarios mejorarán temporalmente sus condiciones de vida y trabajo, exigiendo también salud, educación y vivienda como todos los colombianos.

Esta batalla es trascendental para el conjunto de la clase obrera en Colombia porque ataca directamente a las Cooperativas de Trabajo Asociado, que en los últimos años han sido uno de los instrumentos predilectos de los capitalistas para obtener enormes ganancias a costa de la miseria y el hambre; pues tras la farsa de la libre asociación de los trabajadores se han convertido en infiernos de sobre explotación del proletariado y una muestra es la dura situación que viven los corteros de caña en el país, de los cuales cerca de 9500 en los departamentos del Valle, Cauca y Risaralda están siendo oprimidos de esta forma.

Así mismo, la huelga de los corteros es un duro golpe contra el cuarto mayor monopolio de la economía Colombiana: La organización Ardila Lulle propietaria de los ingenios Providencia, Incauca y Risaralda (los dos primeros se encuentran en huelga) Postobon, RCN, Peldar y Tapas la Libertad, organización que a través de la humillación y superexplotació n obtuvo un margen de utilidad de 30 mil millones de pesos en el 2007 y hoy se niega a pagar los salarios que exigen los corteros de caña quienes han dejado un pedazo de su vida en los cañaverales a cambio las migajas que pagan quienes se rascan el ombligo mientras nosotros padecemos el oprobio del capitalismo.

Por ello hoy el régimen de Uribe además de estar presionado por sus compinches capitalistas quienes reportan grandes pérdidas con el paro, también lo está por la necesidad de la firma del Tratado de Libre Comercio con Estados Unidos para lo cual ha sacado una nueva ley supuestamente para regular las Cooperativas de Trabajo Asociado y mostrarse como un garante de la defensa de los trabajadores, cuando en realidad es él quien las promueve desde el Estado y en alianza con la monopolios capitalistas impuso la ley 50 que acabó con la estabilidad laboral de los trabajadores en Colombia en los años 90, pero esta es apenas una de la salidas, también está la represión directa del Estado, forma predilecta del régimen para callar la voz de miles de explotados que no temen a nada, que no tienen nada que perder, por el contrario que son ahora el ejemplo en la mira de sus hermanos de clase quienes no dudamos en solidarizarnos, denunciar, apoyar materialmente y con nuestros propios esfuerzos su lucha que representa la lucha de toda nuestra clase.

Los compañeros corteros de caña se encuentran asediados por la situación económica, por las asociaciones de los capitalistas: ASOCAÑA, la ANDI y el Estado y hasta por los dirigentes de las centrales obreras, quienes han asumido una posición cómplice con el régimen de Uribe, dado que en lugar de convocar a la movilización del pueblo en solidaridad con la huelga han permitido que algunos de sus sindicatos actúen en contra de ella con posiciones de esquiroles o rompehuelgas y solo se atreven a convocar a marchar para guardar las apariencias y no quedar en evidencia como vendeobreros.

El proletariado en general no puede ser indiferente ante esta situación pues una victoria de los corteros de caña beneficiaria no solo a sus condiciones de vida particular sino que sería un triunfo para todo el proletariado en Colombia lo cual nos permite avanzar en la lucha contra el régimen de Uribe y prepararnos para próximas batallas hacia el paro de la producción de todo el país que ya viene tomando forma a través de la decidida lucha de las masas, además conscientemente no podemos permitir que masacren a nuestros hermanos de clase a sabiendas de que sus exigencias son más que justas y por eso debemos ponernos del lado de los corteros de caña y brindar solidaridad efectiva, enviando delegaciones de luchadores de las masas a la zona de los ingenios, entregando apoyo económico, denunciando a los capitalistas y movilizándonos con independencia contra el estado que es el principal instrumento de los capitalistas para defender sus intereses y mantener sometido al proletariado.

Por eso el Comité de Lucha Popular de Bogotá los invita a la reunión preparatoria de la movilización del 15 de octubre de 2008, a realizarse el jueves 9 de octubre a las 6 PM en la Cra 3 No. 14-48 Asociación de Recicladores de Bogotá.

MOVILIZACIÓN EL 15 DE OCTUBRE DE 2008 A LAS 5 PM DESDE EL MINISTERIO DE DESPROTECCIÓN SOCIAL (CARRERA 13 CON CALLE 32) HASTA LA PLAZA DE BOLÍVAR.

The central committee of the Maoists ended, Tuesday, after deciding to hold national conference on November 10.

“The central committee meeting ended and we have now decided to settle all the issues through the National Conference, which will be held on November 10,” Barsha Man Pun Ananta told Nepal FM.

Ananta said that the national conference will forge party’s future action plans and strategies.

At the CC meeting, Prime Minister and party chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal Prachanda is said to have proposed to go for National Conference to settle debates on what sort of “People’s Republic” the party wants to establish, among others.

According to Ananta, party chairman will present a political document at the conference for discussion.

Roel Agustin II
Conrado Heredia Command
Spokesman
Front 20 Operations Command
New People’s Army-Southern Mindanao
October 05, 2008

In the last two weeks of September, the Brigade-size military operations by the composite 36th Infantry Battalion, Division Reconnaissance Company, 67th Infantry Battalion, Scout Rangers Company of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) and the Philippine National Police’s 1105th Provincial Mobile Force were hit head-on in the series of tactical offensives by the Red fighters under the Conrado Heredia Command of the Front 20 Operations Command of the New People’s Army. Killed in these series of tactical offensives were 19 AFP troops; at least 20 were also wounded.

Yet, ironically, in the comforts of his air-conditioned Davao City Headquarters, Eastern Mindanao Command’s Maj. Armand Rico of the AFP is getting paid handsomely to tell lies and issue public statements for a systematic cover-up. Maj. Rico and his higher-ups desperately want to project that the AFP soldiers deployed for the militarization in the Surigao del Sur and Davao Oriental border-mountains is not running berserk and not suffering from low morale due to their numerous battle losses. But in the battlefield, Maj. Rico’s pronouncements rang hollow as the US-Arroyo regime’s costly illusion to wipe out the New People’s Army in less than 20 months from now is nakedly taking its ugly toll to its AFP commanders and foot soldiers.

Last September 22, Red fighters hit the fascist enemy twice in a back-to-back tactical offensive: one harassment operation against the 36th IB-AFP detachment in Cabunsuan in Linging town; and later, ambushed the AFP troop reinforcements. Two days later, at 3:15 pm, Red fighters again ambushed the fascist military troops in Bogak, also in Lingig in Surigao del Sur. By September 30, the Red fighters engaged the fascists military in Sumilao in Boston, Davao Oriental. One Red fighter who was wounded during the offensives was later pronounced dead in a local hospital. He was a martyr of the people.

Indeed, the superiority of the regime’s firepower and war machine used to exploit and trample the fundamental rights of the people is inutile when faced with an army engaged in guerrilla warfare; who knows the mountains and who lived with the masses in the countryside.

The massive presence of mercenary AFP troops and its show of superior firepower aims to drive the people away from their farms and homes, maim those who actively resist the aggressive incursions of big foreign businesses, and to protect the regime’s favored sources of blood money. In the Surigao del Sur-Davao Oriental borders, the AFP troops is protecting American-Australian -owned Omega Gold and the gold mining ambitions of Asia’s largest paper mill, PICOP.

Maj. Rico is laughable as he desperately misleads the people as to the true account of the offensives. He cannot distinguish the banned land mine from a Command-Detonated Explosive used by the Red fighters during ambuscades, bloats casualty figures on the NPA side, and downplays their numerous casualty rate, and insists that the AFP troops over-ran an “NPA camp” — all proof of his ignorance to guerrilla methods and warfare. In the end, the masses are not unintelligent, and the people know better.

In the meantime, let Maj. Rico along with the AFP higher echelons and the US-Arroyo regime continue to wallow in deep political isolation from the masses, suffer widespread discontent among the AFP foot soldiers and its mounting failure to stop the growing strength of the revolutionary movement.

(Sgd) Roel Agustin II
Spokesperson
Conrado Heredia Command
Front 20 Operations Command
New People’s Army-Southern Mindanao

How about taking the initiative in organising a March on the City? The
aim would be to occupy the offices of major financial institutions in
the City of London so as to obstruct the finance capitalists going about
their extortionate activities. It would not bring down British
capitalism but it could mobilise and give expression to the righteous
anger of many thousands of people. To be successful it would have to be
organised by most of the leftist groups in Britain today.

Seize the time!

We are still going through a transitional situation. A tripartite struggle is still carrying on. The different powers are vigorously struggling to defend their own class interests. The regressive, status quo and the progressives are the major tendencies here. We cannot consolidate the old state power by forgetting our commitments, our class interests and the dreams of the martyrs.

Our expectation and priority is to end discrimination and inequality through a proper debate. However, the regressive and status quo reactionaries are trying to stop and pull the society towards a regressive direction by hook or by crook. The brutal repression of the homeless and the poor peasants in Mirchaiya of Siraha district is a symbolic action to strengthen the feudalistic- comprador and bureaucratic system. Reactionaries are trying to foil the Maoist government by showing it is unable to champion the cause of the poor.

A handful is in favour of chasing the homeless people from their huts. They are shouting loudly that it would better for minister Matrika not to lead the campaign to re-establish the homeless there. These people have concentrated or tried to concentrate the attention of the people not on the issue, but on the person. I have been involved in politics for many years, with a dream to do something in favour of poor and homeless people. I never dreamt of being a minister or prime minister in my life. I still firmly hold on to our ultimate goal. I don’t want to be a minister at the cost of giving up the interests of the proletarian class.

I have not diverted from my goal of helping the poor, whether I am in the post of minister or not. I didn’t want to stay on the post of minister by forsaking the interests of our own proletarian class. The homeless poor people had settled on the confiscated land of a feudal landlord under a slogan given by our party. However, those poor homeless people were harassed and chased by a home administration with the help of the police, without providing any alternative for them to live. Our party is leading the government, but homeless poor people are being chased from their huts. Then, I could not stand by and watch all these brutal activities of the administration. I felt dishonoured for being helpless. I couldn’t even endure it, then, I came out to the reach of the people.

I asked the home minister not to chase the poor people from their huts without providing any alternative. However, he did not listen to my humble request. He occupied the land and chased the people forcefully. The Home minister pushed the poor into a sea of trouble for the defence of the monarchical- feudalist. I am confident that our party should not be against the interests of homeless people.

We are able to write about scientific land-reform in the interim constitution because of our initiative. The Prime minister has repeatedly talked and promised to work in favour of the homeless and the land-less. He repeated it when he responded in the Constitution Assembly about the policy and programme of the government.

But, in the same evening, the home administration and the police rained Lathis over the heads of the homeless and shed blood and tears. It was unbearable for me. I went to the field quickly and told the homeless to stay in their huts until and unless an alternative place or occupation is given to them. How could I live in a luxurious building and tour in an official facilitated vehicle of minister at that time? I am the leader of those poor and homeless people. I cannot change my ideas and apply the anti-people agendas of UML and Madhesi Jana Adhikar Forum. Due to these reasons, I resigned from the post of Minister for Land Reform and Management.

The incident of Mirchaiya of the Siraha district had not happened according to my wish. I had only opposed the brutal repression that took place under the order of the Home Minister. The Mirchaiya incident is only a representative incident to have come to the surface. If the anti-people plan and conspiracies succeed here, brutal repressions will follow all over the country. We cannot easily escape from this incident simply by accusing the Home Minister Bamdev Gautam, because the coalition government is under the leadership of our party. Therefore, we will get more complaints from the people than the other parties. People expected more from our party and nothing from the UML and MJF.

We cannot forget our commitments that we have made before the people. The post of minister is nothing before the great ultimate goal and commitment of our party among the people. In the name of running the government and being a minister, we should not and cannot consolidate the power of feudalistic, comprador and bureaucrat order in the state. I can work and help the exploited classes, regions, gender and marginalized so far as the ideology, party and leadership is correct and the government works in favour of them. If the ideology, party, party leadership and the government will be against the people, there will be no relationship with the people.

Exclusive Al Jazeera Interview with Comrade Gaurav, head of the International Command of the Communist Party Of Nepal (Maoist) Comrade Gaurav is to be interviewed by Al Jazeera TV on Friday, 26th September 2008. The interview and the programme ‘Frost over the World’ itself is first broadcast on Al Jazeera English at 8.00pm friday London time and it is repeated over the next 24 hours to catch all time zones across the world. We ask Comrades to be vigilant and be on line during the time stated. If possible we ask comrades to record the interview at all other times over the 24 hours following the London broadcast.
http://english. aljazeera. net/watch_ now/
http://english. aljazeera. net/
For more information on Revolution in Nepal, please link up to the following web sites:
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Nepal’s Prime Minister, Pushpa Kamal Dahal, also known as Prachanda (`The Fierce One’), came to power in August 2008 following his party’s success in the country’s first-ever Constituent Assembly elections. Chairman of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) and leader of its People’s Liberation Army, he led a decade-long People’s War (1996-2006) with the goals of ending Nepal’s monarchy and creating a new federal republic.

This year, Constituent Assembly elections held in April yielded a near majority for the Maoists. The Assembly’s first meeting ended a 240-year-old monarchy and began its main task: creating Nepal’s new constitution. In addition to leading the Assembly in this historic monumental task, Prachanda now faces the challenges of managing a complex coalition government to address the long-neglected basic needs of the people, while at the same time establishing security and peace in Nepal under the watchful gaze of an interested but skeptical international community.

Remarks by Professor Andrew Arato, Dorothy Hart Hirshon Professor of Political and Social Theory, The New School. Q&A session moderated by Kul Chandra Gautam, Senior Fellow, India China Institute.

Admission is free and open to the public. Limited seating on a first come basis. Seating must be completed by 5:45 pm.

Co-sponsored by: Alliance for Democracy and Human Rights in Nepal | American Nepal Friendship Society | Association of Nepali Tarain in America | Federation of Indigenous Peoples of Nepal in America | United Nepalese Democratic Forum | Ashikaar | Nepalese Americas Council | Friends of Nepal-New Jersey | In Conversation (a podcast on www.Samudaya. org)

~~ Video, podcast and a transcript (including Q&A) of this event will be made available on this website. ~~

More information

Pushpa Kamal Dahal, the man Nepalis call “the fierce one” (Prachanda), lived underground for thirteen years leading the Maoists’ struggle, not resurfacing until 2006 to enter the arena of formal politics and becoming the first democratically- elected leader of Nepal – garnering nearly twice as many votes as his nearest rival. He is the Maoist leader who challenged Nepalis to free themselves and take hold of their nation, bringing vast social and political strife to the forefront of the Nepali discourse, and against all odds and predictions, put an end to 240 years of monarchy. As the head of the democratically- elected government, the former rebel leader will be the face of the New Nepal. [read BBC’s Prachanda: The Challenge Ahead]

Andrew Arato is Dorothy Hart Hirshon Professor in Political and Social Theory at The New School University. He is also a member of the USIP/UNDP working group, Constitution Making, Peace Building, and Conflict Resolution. Arato’s books include Civil Society, Constitution, and Legitimacy (2000) and, with Jean L. Cohen, Civil Society and Political Theory (1992). Among his current projects is a work on post-sovereign constitution making. He is editor of Constellations.

Kul Chandra Gautam is a former Assistant Secretary-General of the United Nations, and Deputy Executive Director of UNICEF. He has extensive experience in international diplomacy in areas of socio-economic development, humanitarian assistance, and human rights. As a senior UN official, Mr. Gautam provided leadership for strategic planning, policy guidance and program management. He coordinated inter-agency collaboration and public-private partnerships for child rights and human development among UN agencies, donors, and civil society organizations. In his long and distinguished career with the United Nations, spanning over three decades, Mr. Gautum had extensive dealings with senior levels of donor governments, development agencies and NGOs in policy dialogue, advocacy and resource mobilization.

The NPA Mt. Talinis Front Command based in southeast Negros island implemented last September 9 a directive from the Provisional Revolutionary Government to punish the Tamlang Valley Agricultural Development Corporation (TVADC) for promoting and planting jathropa and cassava in the said area.

According to Ka Dom Pantaleon, spokesperson of the NPA Mt. Talinis Front Command, Red fighters seized and immediately burned three tractors owned by the TVADC late Tuesday night in sitio Cuadra, barangay Mantikil, Siaton town in Oriental Negros.

The punitive action was implemented after it was proven that the year-old TVADC project has gravely dislocated the planting of the traditional corn, rice and other food crops in Tamlang Valley, he said.

Lands previously used by farmers for own-consumption food production were now forcibly used for bio-fuel purposes, and a succession of Army battalions were employed to actively harass and dupe farmers to plant jathropa and cassava, he added.

Early this year, the 79th IB was deployed to southeast Negros at about the same time that the 302nd Brigade previously based in Bohol transferred headquarters to Tanjay City, Oriental Negros. Before this, it was the 61st IB that took care of the AFP’s counter-revolutiona ry campaign in the said area.

During Gloria Macapagal Arroyo’s last State-of-the- Nation Address (SONA), she boasted that “jatropha estates are starting in 900 hectares in and around Tamlang Valley in Negros Oriental.” Tamlang Valley covers several barangays that border the towns of Sta. Catalina, Siaton and Valencia in upland Oriental Negros.

Stable business or staple food

The revolutionary movement in southeast Negros will continue to block efforts of the reactionary Manila-centered government to impose the planting of jathropa and other plants for bio-fuel purposes, Ka Dom Pantaleon said.

Aside from worsening the poverty and hunger already experienced by peasants in upland barangays of the province, this also serves to railroad further the Filipino people’s struggle for food security through genuine agrarian reform, he emphasized.

It is utterly wrong to prioritize the planting of agricultural crops that benefit only foreign corporations and local politicians, he added.

Newspaper reports confirm that hundreds of farmers belonging to the provincial farmers group Kaugmaon [Kahugpongan Alang sa Ugma sa mga Gagmay’ng Mag-uuma sa Oriental Negros (Association for the Future of Small Farmers of Oriental Negros)] have already demanded that local government units provide them with food assistance as temporary remedy to the hunger that pervades many hinterland barangays in Oriental Negros.

TVADC is co-owned by the family of former Congressman Herminio Teves.

It is no wonder that Oriental Negros is considered even by the reactionary government as one of the 20 poorest provinces in the country today, he also said.

Military against peasants

It is now clear that military presence in southeast Negros was further increased this year to force the large-scale planting of jathropa and cassava in Tamlang Valley and to provide protection to a processing plant already built for the purpose in Siaton town; those who dare to oppose this project are branded “NPA members” and subjected to various forms of human rights abuses, Ka Dom Pantaleon said.

To recall, two farmers from Sta. Catalina town went missing after being separately arrested by the now-transferred 61st IB several months ago. A certain Reynold Yanoc remain missing when soldiers in barangay Talalak picked him up last December 5, while Flaviano Arante went missing after being arrested at his residence in barangay Nagbinlod last January 25. Their families’ petitions for the writ of amparo were denied by the Court of Appeals in Cebu City last May.

Media reports during the last two years confirm the rise in human rights violations in southeast Negros ranging from illegal arrests and detention to forcible evacuation as documented by the human rights group Karapatan.

That the military employed artillery fire and air-to-ground explosives after an encounter with the Red fighters last Monday (September showed its growing desperation amidst the people’s widespread opposition to jathropa and cassava planting, the NPA spokesperson emphasized.

Ka Frank Fernadez’ recent declaration is indeed true; the AFP Central Command (Centcom) and its 3rd Division are daydreaming in boasting that they can “reduce to an inconsequential level” the revolutionary armed movement in Negros island by the end of this year, he said.

Ka Dom Pantaleon said that the use of heavy artillery fire and air-to-ground explosives - via 105-mm Howitzer cannons and 2 SF Marchetti aircrafts of the PAF 15th Strike Wing - were resorted to by the military after one of its men - Pfc. Reynald Ramos - was killed in an early morning firefight with an NPA unit in sitio Payao-payaoan, barangay Nagbinlod in Sta. Catalina, Oriental Negros. The Red army did not suffer any dead or wounded in that firefight, he said.

It was the fifth major armed encounter between units of the NPA Pulang Mt. Talinis Front Command and the Army’s 302nd Brigade since May this year. Before that, encounters occurred last May 27 in barangay Talalak, Sta. Catalina town where a soldier - Pfc. Jessie Enolino - was killed and another soldier wounded; last May 29 in barangay Nagbinlod in Sta. Catalina town; last July 8 in barangay Basak, San Jose town; and last August 25 in barangay Milagrosa, Sta. Catalina town.

In these 5 incidents, only one Red fighter was wounded, Ka Dom Pantaleon concluded.

Approved For Release By:
Ka Dom Pantaleon
Spokesperson
Pulang Mt. Talinis Front Command
NPA - Southeastern Negros

It is plain as daylight that none of the bourgeois-democrati c parties, not a single one amongst them, have the stomach to wage a consistant and relentless struggle for bourgeois-democacy in Pakistan. Therefore, it is on the shoulders of the Communists to organize the working masses to take the democratic struggle towards a people’s democratic revolution.

Hence, the fundamental tasks connected with the bourgeois-democrati c revolution, as identified previously, remain unfulfilled. These were:

A) Opposition to Military Rule
B) Opposition to US Imperialism
C) Opposition to Fundamentalism

(these are not in any order of priority)

Till such time as we have destroyed the apparatuses that continuously reproduce these forms of oppression, we have not even begun to approach the bourgeois-democrati c tasks of our revolution.

Let us look at these tasks in light of the new circumstances.

A) While military rule has been rolled back, the democratic government is far from secure. Significant sections of the establishment continue to think that they can overthrow the democratic government and bring in a form of rule that is subservient to the civil military bureaucracy. As always they find willing volunteers in certain political parties. We must fight against this trend and strengthen and consolidate democracy. At the same time, we must fight to widen the scope of democracy. The only way that this can be accomplished is by consolidating the class organizations of the working class in the new democratic space made available to us by the present regime. We must pay special attention to trade unions, peasant committees, and student unions. These are the prime movers of the democratic and socialist movement. And these class organizations can be the only real guarantor of even such a class biased system as bourgeois-democracy . Hence, the
principle tasks confronting the party in relation to consolidating democracy is to strengthen the trade unions, peasant committees, and students unions. Without these fundamental class organizations backing our political party, the party will be disconnected from the mass of the working people. And just as a fish cannot live outside water, the CMKP cannot exist without establishing firm connections, even merging to a certain extent, with the class organizations of the working class.

B) US imperialism is knocking on our door and invading our territory. In this regard, the fight against US imperialism assumes even greater importance than before. CMKP calls upon the democratic government and the Pakistan army to defend the territorial integrity and the people of Pakistan. When military incursions become the norm, then protests and seminars are not enough. The circumstances call for militant action against imperialism. US imperialism is the enemy of all the people of the world. Its militarist and aggressive policies have resulted in the worst massacres in recent history. We must unite all the democratic forces of Pakistan to fight against US imperialism.

C) The CMKP cannot close its eyes to the menace of Islamic fundamentalism
especially in the shape of organizations such as the Taliban. Hence, our
struggle against fundamentalism must continue with even greater force. We have to start thinking about forming broad united fronts with secular organizations that can help us fight against the reactionary menace of Islamic fundamentalism. In this regard, we must support the democratically elected provincial and federal governments struggle against the Taliban. While not becoming apologists of these bourgeois forces, it is important to note that under the Taliban, the opportunity of openly building a movement for the emancipation of the working class will be next to impossible. Furthermore, since progressives are not strong enough to take on the fundamentalists on their own. Hence, a united front with bourgeois-democrati c political parties is a tactical necessity. Communists will grow only through such united front struggles.

All those socialist forces that become aligned either with imperialism,
fundamentalism, or the establishment, are and will be rejected by the people of Pakistan. Only those that consistently and systematically struggle against imperialism, fundamentalism and in favour of democracy will win popular support.

That is why we raise the slogan:

Death to Imperialism !
Death to Fundamentalism !
Long Live Socialism !

- Dharmendra Bastola

As seen unexpected by many people, our glorious party, the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) has formed government, a national coalition government. Many other political developments had taken place as miracles, as Chairman Prachanda usually says. There was less hope to many people that the CA election would take place. Similarly, there was not much hope that the CA would have announced the implementation of the Democratic Republic of Nepal. The ousting of the king from the palace, the expropriation of the palace property and putting them for the public welfare were also challenges. But all these works have been done miraculously.

Along with these miraculous developments, some public concerns are mounting up. Questions are being raised from different quarters what will be future of Nepal, while the political interventions are constantly imposed from different power centres. How will the PLA be fused with the Nepal Army? What will be the future of the government itself while the second largest Party the Nepal Congress is at the opposition? Similarly, what will be the fate of the new constitution to be written while the parliamentary parties are divided? Moreover, the revolutionary people have concern about the fate of the proletarian revolution, the political power in the hands of the people and the exercise of the dictatorship of the proletariat having smashed the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie.

The Central Committee meeting will have to answer all these questions in the coming CC meeting. There are many factors for the political confusions being realised in the Nepalese Revolutionary Movement. In spite of the New Democratic Revolution being a minimum programme, our party had put forward a tactical line of round table conference, interim government and the election of the constituent assembly in the second national Conference held in 2001 to accomplish the principal task of the NDR. These tactical lines have now been accomplished along with the abolition of the monarchy and the establishing of the Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal. Since the tactical line set out by the second conference has been accomplished along with the CA election, and the new tactic is still not developed, the Party is making round and round around the formation of the government and the argument automatically witch on to writing of the new constitution. While the following consequence is provoked by the preceding actions much closer towards gradually replacing strategy with pragmatic solutions, concerns are raised whether the tactic gradually eats up strategy.

There is another factor why the political stagnation is taking place. In a certain historical necessity, a 12-point agreement was reached with the parliamentary parties. That agreement had served to fulfil the tactics set out in 2001. But the agreement itself had limitations. For instance, the final goal of the agreement was to abolish monarchy and establish Democratic Republic of Nepal. Along with the abolition of the monarchy and the establishing of the Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal, the validity of the agreement has also been finished. While there is no tactical line of the Party to guide the masses to determine how to advance towards revolutionary movement, and while the validity of the 12-point agreement terminated along with the fulfilment of demands it raised, there are a lot confusions being created how to handle many contradictions emerged up.

The central Committee meeting will have to address some important theoretical questions, being faced by the Nepalese people. These questions are, for instance, what are the principal contradiction and the principal aspect of the contradiction, what will be the relation between the Party and the government, what is the difference between the state and the government. How will the proletariat fulfil the proletarian internationalist duty of accomplishing revolution in own country and assisting this kind of revolution, this kind of revolutionary line to other country? How will the party be consolidated around the Revolutionary head quarter that brought Nepalese history to a new by smashing the old reactionary one. These questions are being serious and observed keenly by the revolutionary Nepalese masses of people.

As Marx pointed once, “a forceful revolution engenders a forceful counter revolution”, Nepalese revolutionary movement too, cannot remain immune of these problems. Along with the entrance into the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, the PLA is placed into the cantonment many compromises have been made with the parliamentary parties in order to find political solution of the civil war in the country. It was declared that the armed struggle had been ended up, people’s courts were terminated, people’s governments were dismissed. While these activities were performed and with the subsequent political developments taken place, we had told to the people that new governments will be formed in the local levels. But the days remained tougher to forge coalition governments and yet the local governments are not developed. This shows the class struggle as vigorous as it was in the time of armed struggle.

We have been saying that we are advancing through new practice! We have been saying that we are standing on new ground. It is true that we are on new ground. But, it is because that we have to advance through twist and turns. But, at the same time, we are also coming to the old ground, because there are many experiences performed in the past in the International Communist Movement. At this point, there are two negative pictures in the horizon, one Libya, the symbol of entire capitulation after taking into power, and the Chile and Indonesia the symbol of total massacre and wipe out of the revolutionaries. This situation developed in the mean time, provides further fertile ground to the right opportunism and petty bourgeoisie liberalism in and outside the party. Thus, the major dander today is right opportunism, which our CC meeting had concluded few months before.

As Lenin said, “Correctness or otherwise in the political line determines every thing”, the correctness of line of our party under the leadership of Chairman Prachanda brought the country into a new historical juncture. Our Party achieved PLA from nothing, the people’s political power as well, as Mao said, “you get everything you do not have”. Nevertheless, the Marxist-Leninist- Maoist Philosophy and the guidance of Prachanda Path teaches us that once being correct cannot be a red licence to be correct forever.

The obvious encirclement of the status quoits, the regressive, and the backward forces against the revolution and the revolutionary process is quite dangerous. These elements are provoking conflict against peace and stability. The symptoms of provocation have been seen repeatedly against the issue of making fusion of the PLA and the NA. While he had set out to visit China, Chairman Prachanda appealed the jawans of the Nepal Army to forget the bitter history in the past and come forward to the new understanding. However, our Party is making efforts to develop a political harmony between the PLA and the NA, and get united for national integrity; people’s sovereignty and economic prosperity, there are parliamentary forces twisting the course towards conflict.

These all challenges are serious. And, as certain historical juncture give raise of certain historical challenges, the CC of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) will find solutions. Hence, not only the Nepalese masses are watching over curiously the upcoming CC meeting of our Party, but also the people of the world over.

Writer is a central committee member of CPN (Maoist).

तपाईले प्राथमिकता पूर्वक उठाएको सेना समायोजको प्रसंगमा कुरा गर्दा प्रधानसेनापति रुकमाङ्गद कटवाल आफ्नो पदमा पूर्ण अवधि वहाल रहन पाउँछन् कि पाउँदैनन्?

शान्ति सम्झौता, अन्तरिम संविधान र त्यसपछिका सहमति-सम्झौताहरु अनुसार सेना समायोजन र पुनस्थापनाको प्रकृयामा अगाडी बढ्छौ।

म आम जनतालाई के अपिल गर्न चाहन्छु भने हामी इतिहासको असाध्यै गम्भीर र संगिन मोडमा छौ। सबै संयमित भएर राष्ट्रलाई नयाँ, महान, समृद्ध र शान्तिपूर्ण राष्ट्र बनाउन हामी जुटनु पर्ने अवस्था छ।

अहिले आपसमा फेरी कुनै कटुता पैदा गर्ने काम गर्‍यौं भने यो राष्ट्रले धेरै दुख पाउने, राष्ट्रको अस्तित्व र अस्मितामा आँच आउने खतरा छ।

भनाईको मतलव प्रधानसेनापति हटाइन सक्छन भन्ने जुन आशंका धेरैले ब्यक्त गरिरहेका छन् त्यो हुँदैन?

त्यस्तो हुँदैन्। जबसम्म सेना, प्रहरी अथवा कर्मचारी कोही पनि यो राष्ट्रको पक्षमा नेपाली जनताको जनादेश, लोकतन्त्र, शान्ति र परिवर्तनको पक्षमा इमान्दार रहन्छ कसैले असुरक्षित महसुस गर्नु पर्दैन।

कसैप्रति पनि गलत ढंगले पुर्वाग्रह राखेर व्यवहार गरिने छैन।

तर माओवादी सेना समायोजनबारे नेपाली सेनाको पनि आफ्नै सोच होला। आफ्ना लडाकूलाई राष्ट्रिय सेनामा कसरी मिलाउनु हुन्छ?

नेपालमा शान्तिप्रकृया आफैमा एउटा मौलिक विशेषता अनुसार अघि बढेको छ। यो कसैको फोटोकपि वा यन्त्रिक नक्कल हैन। हामीले एउटा बैज्ञानिक आधार खडा गरिसकेकाले यसलाई एउटा निष्कर्षमा पुर्‍याउन सकिँदैन भन्ने मलाई लाग्दैन्।

मैले नेपाली सेनाका प्रमुखदेखि जति कमाण्डरहरुसंग व्यवहार गरेको छु, प्रधानमन्त्री भए पछि त म नेपाली सेनाकै जवान, कमाण्डरहरुसंग हिडि पनि राख्या छु। उहाँहरुकै सुरक्षामा पनि छु।

मैले के बुझेको छु भने उहाँहरुमा पनि यो देशलाई शान्तिपूर्ण समृद्ध बनाउने प्रतिवद्धता र गम्भिर जिम्मेवारी बोध छ र अन्य सबैमा त्यो जिम्मेवारी बोध छ।

तपाईँलाई नेपाली सेनाप्रति त्यत्रो विश्वास भा’भए शुरुमै आफ्नो सुरक्षामा माओवादी सेना पनि खटाएर नेपाली सेनाप्रति अविश्वास गरेजस्तो किन देखाको त?

नेपाली सेना, जनसेना अथवा प्रहरी, सशस्त्र प्रहरी कसैप्रति अलिकति पनि आशंका मैले देखाउन चाहेको पनि हैन। देखाएको पनि हैन।

जनसेनालाई पनि अव प्रधानमन्त्री भैसकेपछि हामी टुहुरा भयौ भन्ने नहोस्। नेपाली सेनालाई पनि प्रधानमन्त्रीले अविश्वास गरेको हो किन भन्ने नपरोस्। म यसमा असाध्यै बढी संवेदनशील छु।

मलाई लाग्छ, यहाँसम्म आइपुग्दा नेपाली सेना र जनसेनाले त्यो कुरा राम्रोसंग बुझि सकेका छन्।

अस्थाई शिविरमा रहेका १९-२० हजार माओवादी लडाकूहरुमध्ये कति नेपाली सेनामा जालान् र अरु कतिलाई कुन किसिमले व्यवस्थापन गर्ने विचार गर्नु भा’छ?

संयुक्त राष्ट्रसंघद्वारा प्रमाणिकरण भएका पुनस्थापना र समायोजनको निम्ति योग्य छन्। सात बुँदे सहमति अनुसार कुनै जनसेनाको योद्धा म घर फर्किन चाहन्छु, म घरमा गएर पेशा गर्न चाहन्छु भन्छ भने उसलाई त्यो स्वतन्त्रता छ।

त्यो प्रकृयालाई टुंगोमा पुर्‍याउने कुरा सरकारमा सहभागी सबै पार्टीहरु मिलेर बन्ने विशेष समितिले छलफल गरेर तयार गर्ने संयन्त्र अनुसार नै हुन्छ। त्यसकारण मैले यति नै समायोजन हुन्छन्, यति नै घर जान्छन्, यति योग्य, यति अयोग्य हुन्छ भनेर भन्न सक्ने स्थितिमा म छैन।

रणनीति
‘ढाडमा टाउँकोमा प्रहार गर्ने’ अनि अरुलाई उपयोग गर्नेमा तपाईँहरु व्यक्तिगतरुपमा तपाई खुब सफल भएको जस्तो लाग्छ होला हगी? किन भने राजालाई पनि ढाल्नु भो, गिरिजाप्रसाद कोइरालालाई पनि ढाल्नु भो।
(हाँस्दै) तपाईँले प्रश्नलाई सिधा भनौ अथवा व्यंग्य भनौ त्यो रुपमा राख्नु भयो। केही बृतमा तपाईँले भन्या जस्तै म उपयोगितावादी भएको भान परेको छ। त्यसले मलाई बडो पीडा दिन्छ।
भन्नुहुन्छ भने व्यक्तिगत स्वभावको दृष्टिकोणले म अल्लि बढी उदार खालको मान्छे छु। म आफैले भन्नु पर्दा मैले बडो छलछाम गरे बडो ठगे भन्ने कहिल्यै पनि लाग्दैन्।
नेपालका असाध्यै पुरातनपन्थी असाध्यै भ्रष्ट तत्वहरु जसले यो देशलाई सैयौ वर्षदेखि लुटे, खाए। व्यक्तिहरु मेटाए। केही सीमित वर्ग मोटायो।
बहुसंख्यक जनता गरिबै रहे। पछौटे रहे। ती गरिव जनताको पक्षमा लड्दै जाँदा मैले हाम्रा आफ्ना विचारहरु प्रयोग गर्दा कहिँ न कहीँ कार्यनीतिमा कहिले कसैसंग सहमति गर्नु पर्ने, कहिले कसैसंग सम्झौता गर्नु पर्ने, कहिले कसैसंग संघर्ष बढाउनु पर्ने अवस्था रह्‍यो।
तर यो मेरो कुनै षडयन्त्र नभएर एकदम सीधासीधा हामीले बुझेको दर्शन द्वन्द्वात्मक भौतिकवाद अनुसार मुख्य दुश्मनलाई परास्त गर्नको लागी अरु सबैसंग मिल्नु पर्छ भन्ने नै हो।
जतिवेला हामी जनयुद्धको शुरुवात गर्दै थियौ। त्यो बेलाको सरकारले टनकपुरमा देशलाई ठग्यो भनेर पनि आवाज उठायौ। त्यतिबेला राजासंग हाम्रो वास्तवमा कुनै कटुता-शत्रुता थिएन्।
तर दरवार हत्याकाण्ड पछिका तथाकथित राजासंग हाम्रो अन्तरविरोध चर्केर गयो। त्यसले सबै लोकतन्त्रवादीलाई निल्न खोज्या छ भन्ने हामीलाई लाग्यो। अनि हामीले संसदवादी पार्टीहरुसंग एउटा सहमति बनायौ।
त्यसकारण अहिले पनि हामीले जे गरि राख्या छौ देशका पक्षमा, जनताको पक्षमा, प्रगतिको पक्षमा हामीले हाम्रो कार्यनीति र रणनीतिहरुलाई प्रयोग गरेका छौ।
तपाईको पार्टीभित्र माओवादी जनतन्त्र नै स्थापित गर्नुपर्छ भन्ने एउटा धार र लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्रलाई नै सुधार गर्दै लानुपर्छ भन्ने अर्को धार स्पष्ट रुपमा देखिएर आएको धेरैले महसुस गरेका छन्। कुन चाँही सफल होला?
तपाईले सुनेको अथवा थाहा पाएको वा अनुमान गरेको भन्दा भिन्न छ, हाम्रो पार्टीको स्थिति। हाम्रो पार्टीको अधिकतम लक्ष्य समाजवाद र साम्यवाद हो भन्नेमा कुनै अन्यौल छैन।
तर अहिलेको अन्तराष्ट्रिय र राष्ट्रिय परिस्थितिमा हामी संघीय लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्रलाई संस्थागत गर्दै अगाडी बढ्नु पर्दछ।
त्यो भनेको अहिलेको लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्रलाई प्रयोग गरेर जनगणतन्त्रमा पुग्ने यहाँहरुको लक्ष्य?
हामी संघीय गणतन्त्रलाई संस्थागत गर्दै बैधानिक तरिकाले निर्वाचनको माध्यमबाट शान्तिपूर्ण तरिकाले जनपक्षिय गणतन्त्रमा रुपान्तरण गर्ने कोशिस त हुन्छ।
जनगणतन्त्र भयो भने तुरुन्त त्यसलाई संस्थागत गर्दै फेरी समाजवादमा जाने र साम्यवादमा जाने हाम्रो दर्शन त प्रस्टै छ। त्यहाँ कुनै अन्यौल छैन।
त्यसो भए दुई अढाई वर्ष पछिको निर्वाचनमा तपाईहरुले बहुमत पाउनु भयो भने जनगणतन्त्रमा जाने सम्भावना त्यहाँ निर रहन्छ?
यसलाई अतिरञ्जित तरिकाले बुझ्न जरुरी छैन्। नयाँ संविधान नेपालका मजदूर, किसान, उत्पिडीत वर्ग, जाति, क्षेत्र, लिंगको हितको प्रतिनिधित्व गर्ने खालको बनोस भन्ने हाम्रो कोशिश हुन्छ।
त्यो संविधानले निर्देशित गरे अनुसार निर्वाचन हुने हो। त्यो निर्वाचनबाट सरकार बनिसके पछि त्यही संविधानको दायराभित्र त्यसले काम गर्ने हो।
त्यसकारण संविधानसभाभित्र बढी भन्दा बढी जनगणतन्त्रको नजिकको संविधान बनोस भन्ने वहस हुन्छ। त्यो संविधानले जनगणतन्त्र, समाजवाद र साम्यवादतिर जानको निम्ति मार्ग प्रसस्त गर्छ भन्ने म ठान्छु।
प्रेस स्वतन्त्रा पनि दिने, राजनीतिक स्वतन्त्रता पनि दिने, सम्पतिको सम्पतिको स्वतन्त्रता पनि दिने अनि त्यो सबै दिएपछि तपाईलाई साम्यावाद तर्फ जान कसरी मार्ग प्रसस्त गर्ला त त्यसले?
यो कुरा अलि गम्भिर छ। आज भन्दा आठ वर्षअगाडि यसबारे हाम्रो पार्टीभित्र एक-ढेड वर्ष वहस गरेका थियौं।
समाजवादमा पनि वहुदलीय प्रतिष्पर्धा र राजनीतिक प्रतिष्पर्धालाई संगठित गर्नु पर्छ र मात्र सजिव समाज बनाउन सकिन्छ।
नत्र त्यो समाजवाद वास्तवमा जनताको पक्षमा हुन सक्दैन। रुस र अरुदेशका अनुभवहरुले हामीलाई यही देखाएको छ।
समाजवादको कुरा गर्दै हुनुहुन्छ कि साम्यवादको?
मैले समाजवादको कुरा गर्दैछु। साम्यवादमा त पार्टी, वर्ग, राज्य, सेना, जेल केही पनि हुदैन। त्यहाँ गएपछि त मानव जाती एउटा स्वर्गमा पुग्छ भन्ने परिकल्पना हो। त्यसलाई त सयौं वर्ष लाग्छ।
प्रधानमन्त्री भए पछि पनि पार्टी अध्यक्ष पद नछोड्ने भनिराख्नु भा’छ किन?
प्रधानमन्त्री भएपछि पार्टी अध्यक्ष छोड्नु पर्छ भन्ने दुनियाँमा कुनै त्यस्तो नियम छैन।
हाम्रो पार्टी भनेको एकिकृत र केन्द्रिकृत नेतृत्व हुनु पर्छ भन्ने मान्यता राख्ने पार्टी हो। हो, कार्यविभाजनमा फरक हुन्छ।
म प्रधानमन्त्री भएको कारणले पार्टीको संगठनात्मक काममा त्यति धेरै समय दिन सक्दिन। अर्को कमरेडले त्यो जिम्मेवारी बढी लिनु पर्छ।
तर त्यसको अर्थ अध्यक्ष छोड्नु पर्ने अथवा अर्को हुने भन्ने कुरा हुनसक्दैन्। त्यो पार्टीको आधारभूत मान्यता सिद्धान्त विपरित हुन्छ।
तर तपाईले कान्तिपुर र काठमाण्डू पोष्टलाई दिएको अन्तर्वार्तामा हामी त महात्मा गान्धी बन्ने, राजनेता बन्ने, सरकारमा नजाने भन्नु भा’थ्यो। तर सरकारमा जानकै लागि तपाईहरु असीन पसीन हुनु’भो?
यो सरकार नयाँ संविधान बनि सके पछिको सरकार होइन। नेपालमा जबसम्म जनताको संविधान बनिसक्दैन र एउटा स्थिर र स्थाई स्थिति र सरकार बन्दैन तबसम्म नेपाली जनताको परिवर्तनको संघर्ष जारी रहन्छ।
त्यस अर्थमा संघर्षको मोर्चामात्रै बदलिएको छ। क्रान्ति सफल भयो, संविधान बन्यो, स्थाई प्रकृयामा देश गयो भने एउटा नेता सरकारमा बसिरहनु पर्ने, प्रधानमन्त्री वा राष्ट्रपति भइरहनु पर्छ भन्ने छैन।
तपाई राजनीतिज्ञहरुले जति बेला जेलाई जसरी अर्थ्याई दिए पनि हुने हगि?
कहाँ हुने। मैले जे भन्या छु, बडो सोझो तरिकाले भन्या छु। त्यो अर्थ्याएकै हैन। सच्चाई नै यही हो।
अब तपाईँलाई तपाईको सरकार कति टिक्ला जस्तो लाग्छ?
नयाँ संविधान बनाउने र शान्तिप्रकृयालाई टुंगोमा पुर्‍याउनेसम्म त टिक्छ, टिक्छ।
त्यति मात्रै हैन् अर्को निर्वाचनमा हाम्रो स्पष्ट बहुमत, म त आशा गर्छु-दुई तिहाई बहुमत नै आउँछ। त्यसपछि हाम्रो संविधानले तोके अनुसार पाँच वर्ष चल्छ।
पाँच वर्ष हामी अझ राम्रो काम गर्छौ। जनताले उस्तै परे अरु आवश्यक नै छैन, माओवादी मात्रै भए पुग्छ यो देशलाई भन्ने स्थिति बन्छ। अर्को चुनावमा त हामी ९० प्रतिशत ल्याउँछौ। त्यसो भए पछि मलाई लाग्छ बीसौं वर्षसम्म टिक्छौं, हामी।
ओहो तपाईमा त्यस्तो आकांक्षा, त्यस्तो विश्वास छ?
हो। हामीलाई जनताप्रति विश्वास छ। हामी जनता र देशप्रति समर्पित छौ। त्यसकारण जनता र हाम्रो सम्बन्धलाई कसैले पनि टुटाउन सक्दैन। सक्थ्यो भने हामी यहाँसम्म पनि आउने थिएनौं।

Scientists and engineers, impart your knowledge!
Serve the oppressed and the exploited!

Liga ng Agham para sa Bayan (LAB), an organization of patriotic scientists, technologists, and engineers, working for national liberation and democracy in the Philippines through armed struggle, warmly salutes you graduates and congratulates you as you ready yourself towards becoming a full-fledged scientist, technologist, or engineer. Despite deepening economic crisis in our country and in the world over, you struggled very hard to surpass all sorts of problems inside and outside the school, from looking for matriculation funds and buying or acquiring books to persistent efforts to obtain the knowledge that is not accessible to the majority.

It is undeniable that the seemingly unfathomable crisis causing the lack of jobs or the low income of your parents motivated many of you to try very hard to finish college. This comes with the hope that there are enough jobs awaiting you, high-paying jobs at that. This hope may be true to some of you but a nightmare to majority of the Filipinos especially those who have not even entered formal schools.

We are now facing an ostensibly endless economic crisis brought about by centuries of colonization and neocolonization, a situation where only imperialists and their local puppets benefit from our rich natural resources. In a semicolonial society such as ours, science and technology remains backward because its growth would conflict the interest of imperialist countries like the U.S. who is now practically controlling advanced science and technology. They dump their surplus products, like food, electronic gadgets, and cars, while they continue to extract our natural resources to bleed for their cheap source of raw materials.

On the other hand, our peasant brothers in the countryside, aside from bearing the brunt of low agricultural productivity, are tied to a feudal system of production. They are slaved by big landlords while the latter continue to reap riches through its connivance with comprador bourgeoisie.

The current state of our society should serve as a challenge to you while you struggle to realize your dream of becoming a scientist, a technologist, or an engineer. This dream of yours can only happen meaningfully if you unpretentiously make use of your acquired knowledge and skills for the Filipino people. The bulk of them are in the countryside, the oppressed peasants who have long been waiting for help, hungry of scientific education, while in urban areas exploited workers are burdened with very low wages and lack of social services like decent housing or shelter, health care, water supply, and electricity. They should be the ones benefiting from the fruits of advanced science and technology.

We urge you to continue your education not just on advanced science and technology but more importantly on the society where your science and technology must impact on. We invite you to study with us; let us understand and develop further the science of revolution, and apply this for the majority of the Filipinos advantage. You are welcome to send us a message at LABphils@gmail. com so that we can work together for the good of our country.

Again, our most ceremonious salute to you new scientists, technologists, and engineers of the Philippines. Mabuhay kayo!

Support the armed revolution for freedom and democracy in the Philippines!

Down with the U.S.-Arroyo regime!

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Jharkhand Police spokesperson S N Pradhan said the team led by Digha police picket in-charge sub-inspector Ravi Kant Sinha was returning after a long-range patrol of the jungle near the dam around 1.30pm.

“The team had almost reached the National Highway 33 when the Maoists, who were waiting for the police party, triggered the blast, killing all the occupants of the jeep on the spot,” he said. The intensity of the blast was so severe that the jeep was completely damaged and a huge crater of more than five feet was formed on the spot. __._,_.___

भौगोलिक हिसाबले हामी मातृभूमिबाट निकै टाढा भएपनि हाम्रो गरिबीले लखेटेका लाखौ नेपालीका वीच यो मरुभुमीमा आफ्नो वर्गको हक र अधिकारका लागि संघर्षरत हाम्रो संगठन पिडित वर्गमाझ एउटा सहयोगी संगठनको रुपमा स्थापित भएको छ । हाम्रो संगठनले हिमाल देखि तराइसम्म मेची देखि महाकाली सम्मका सम्पूर्ण नेपालीका हक हितका लागि आवाज उठाउदै र संघर्ष गर्दै आइरहेकेा छ । यसको स्थापना नै प्रवासमा विपत्तिमा परेका नेपालीहरुलाई उद्धार गर्दै यथोचित उपचार खोज्न र आफ्नो जन्मभुमिका लागि पनि संभव भएसम्म केही योगदान पुर् याउने उद्धेश्यले अभिप्रेरित भएर गरिएको छ । हामीलाई अचम्म लाग्ने गरेको छ अहिलेसम्मका जुनसुकै सरकारले पनि रेमिट्यान्सको बखान गर्न छाडेका छैनन् र जनयुद्धकालका सरकारहरुले त अझै रेमिट्यान्सकै कारणले मुलुकको अर्थतन्त्र धानिरहेको छ सम्म भन्न भ्याएका थिए । तर मुलुकको यत्रो अर्थतन्त्रको झण्डै आधा हिस्सा भारवहन गर्ने प्रवासीहरुको दुखको कहानी खै त कुन चाहि सरकारले सुनेको छ हामीसंग स्थानीय दलाल देखि मुख्य दलाल हुदै एयरपोर्टका कर्मचारी समेतले ठग्ने र गल्फ कन्ट्रीमा जाने कामदारहरुलाई हेप्ने गरेको तीतो अनुभव छ । सर्वप्रथम त म ती बदनाम राष्ट्रसेवक र कामदारहरुलाई धिक्कार्न चाहन्छु जसले मानव तस्करहरुसंग मिलेर लाखौ नेपालीहरुलाई विचल्लीमा पारेका छन् ।

हामीलाई आफ्नो देशमा कमाउने अवसर मिलेको भए पक्कै पनि विदेसिने थिएनौ होला । आफ्नो परिवार र जन्मभूमि छोड्नुको पीडा हामीसंग सोध्नुस् हामी आधा मरेर बाचेका छौ यो पेट र बालबच्चाका लागि त्यसमाथि यी दलालहरु र मानव तस्करहरुले हाम्रो सोझो पनको फाइदा उठाई लाखौ रुपैया त ठगेकै छन् त्यसैमा पनि यहाँ आइपुगेपछि भने जस्तो काम नपाउने काम पाइहाले पनि महिनौ तलब नपाउने र कतिपय त कतारकै एयरपोर्टमा विचल्ली अवस्थामै हामीले उद्धार गर्नुपर्ने बाध्यता रहेको छ। क्ानमा बन्दुक नपड्काएसम्म मुलुक र जनताको समस्या नदेख्ने नालायक सरकारहरुले मुलुक बाहिरको समस्या त देख्ने कुरै भएन । दुइ महिना अगाडीको कुरा हो मकाउ लगिदिन्छौ भनेर ९ महिना अघि जनही चारलाख लिइ अवैध रुपमा कतार िभœयाएपछि चेतबहादुर भन्ने एकजना व्यक्तिको अलपत्र अवस्थामा मृत्यूसमेत भएको थियो । सम्बन्धित मानव तस्कर इन्द्रबहादुर राईलाई यतै दुतावासमा दैनिक जसो भेट्न सकिन्छ । यो एउटा प्रतिनिधी उदाहरण हो । कति नेपाली बाध्यात्मक अवस्थामा सम्झौता विपरित थोरै तलबमा काम गर्न बाध्य छन् भने कति दलालहरुले कतार ल्याइपुर् याएपछि भोकभोकै यो गर्मीमा घरको छतमा बोतलमा पिसाब फेराउदै बबार्दीको जिन्दगी बाच्न बाध्य पारेका छन् । यो कुने मनगढन्ते कुरा होइन हामीले यस्ता बदमासहरुलाई कठघरामा उभ्याएपछि मात्र मुद्धा सार्वजनिक गरेका हौ । यस्ता १० २० मुद्धा हरेक दिन दुतावासमा आइरहन्छ र महामहिम राजदूत प्रत्यक्ष यसको न्यायधिस हुनुहुन्छ । सवैलाई थाहा छ यहाँ कैयौ नेपालीहरु साउदी र कतारको अनकन्टार सीमा क्षेत्रमा बर्षौसम्म गुमनाम जिन्दगी बाच्न बाध्य छन् । तपाइहरु सोच्नुस् धन कमाउन हिडेको घरको मान्छे बेखवर वेपत्ता हुदा परिवार माथि के वितेको होला र स्वयं त्यो व्यक्ति कति विक्षिप्त अवस्थामा बाचेको होला सेफ्टी अवारनेसका अध्यक्ष राधाकृष्ण देवका अनुसार हरेक महिना १२ देखि १५ नेपालीको अकाल मृत्यु भइरहेको छ र यस्तै तनाव मृत्युको प्रमुख कारण बनेको हामीले ठहर गरेका छौ भने अन्य कारणहरुमा सडक दुर्घटना असुरक्षित रुपमा जोखिमपूर्ण काम गर्नुपर्ने अबस्था र वातावरणीय प्रभाव आदि रहेका छन् जसको दर दिनप्रतिदिन डरलाग्दो अवस्थामा बढीरहेको छ । अब प्रश्न उठ्छ रेमिट्यान्सको रट लगाउन नथाक्ने राज्यले हामीलाई सौतेनी व्यवहार किन गरिरहेको छ यी सम्पूर्ण समस्यको समाधान राज्यले गर्नुपर्छ कि पर्दैन एउटा व्यक्तिको पासपोर्टमा अर्को व्यक्ति कतार आई अलपत्र परेको छ भारतीय नागरिक नेपाली राहदानीमा कतारमा काम गरिरहेको छ यसको जवाफ राज्यले दिनुपर्ने हो कि होइन

हामी हाम्रो बलबुताले भ्याएसम्म यी र यस्तै प्रकृतिका मुद्धाहरुसंग जुधिरहेका छौ त्यसैले नेपाली जनप्रगतिशील माच पिडितहरुको आशाको केन्द्र बनेको छ भने ठगी खाने वर्ग र मानवतस्करहरुका लागि बज्रसमान भएको छ । केही समय पहिलेकेा कुरा हो हामीले दलालहरुलाई समातेर कार्वाही चलाउन थालेपछि एउटा षड्यन्त्र गरियो जनार्दन कमरेडलाई जेल हाल्ने । तिनीहरुले सोच्थे कि जनार्दनलाई जेल हालेपछि नेपाली जनप्रगतिशील माच सखापै हुनेछ भनेर । हामीले यो कुरा थाहा पायौ र नेतृत्वलाई सुरक्षित गर्न सक्यौ । म यी दलाल र तस्करहरुलाई के चेतावनी दिन चाहन्छु भने यो संगठन यिनै बदमासीहरुका विरुद्ध लड्नलाई जन्मेको हो र यसले एक जनार्दन होइन दशौ जनार्दनहरु संगठन भित्र जन्माएको छ हामी हेर्नेछौ कति जनालाई यिनीहरु जेल हाल्न सक्छन् यथार्थ के हो भने जेल हाल्न त सकेनन् नै त्यसपछि त केही खलनायकहरु छट्पटिदै चिच्याउन थाले यो दुतावासको राजदूत जनार्दन हो कि के हो दुतावासको मर्यादा हामीले नै जोगाउनुपर्छ भन्ने पनि तिनले विसे्र । हिजोसम्म यही दुतावास हो तिनीहरु यसकै छत्रछायामा रक्सीले मातेर बेहोस हुने गर्दथे र आफ्नो इच्छा अनुसार नेपालीलाई ठग्ने कामको चोचोमोचो मिलाउथे । हामीसंग यसका जिउदा जाग्दा प्रमाणहरु छन् । आज महामहिम डा। सूर्यनाथ मिश्र ज्यूले हामीसंग स्पष्ट भन्नु भएको छ कि मुठ्ठीभर लुट्ने बर्गसंग होइन उनान्सय प्रतिशत पिडीत नेपालीको पक्षमा छु । त्यसैले यिनलाई अहिले यही दुतावास विरानो भएको छ र भाउन्न भएको छ यिनलाई र जथाभावी वोल्न र गर्न थालेका छन् । त्यतिले मात्र नपुगेर यो संगठित गिरोहले हामी नजिक भएका केही व्यक्ति प्रयोग गरि क। जनार्दनलाई कतारमा मार्ने षड्यन्त्र भैरहेको छ भनेर वहाको घरसम्म बारम्वार फोन गरेर परिवारलाई समेत विचलित पार्ने काम गरियो । म सम्माननीय कमरेडहरुका अगाडी जोडदार रुपमा यो माग राख्न चाहन्छु कि वैदेशिक रोजगारलाई तत्कालै व्यवस्थित गरियोस् र विदेशमा छरिएर रहेका सम्पूर्ण नेपालीहरुको लागत राखियोस् साथै मानव तस्करहरुका विरुद्ध ठोस कार्यवाहीको सिलसिला शुरु गरियोस् ।

म अलिकति मुलुक तर्फवाट फर्कन चाहन्छु । अहिले मुलुकमा सत्ताको बागडोर नेपाली क्रान्तिका नायक क। प्रचण्ड को हातमा थामिएको हाम्रो तर्फ्रवाट र सम्पूर्ण प्रवासीहरुको तर्फवाट बधाई तथा शुभकामना छ । फेरी पनि हामी साह्रै खुसीले उप्रुेका छैनौ । यसको कारण के हो भने यो सरकारले जनपक्षिय रुपमा काम गर्न थालेपछि सामन्तवादीहरुको जनतामा राजनैतिक पकड गुम्ने डरले जतिबेला पनि सरकार गिराउन सक्नेछन् र त्यसमा बाहिरी शक्तिले पनि त्यतिकै चलखेल गर्नेछ । अर्को कुरा भर्खरै नेपाली राजनैतिक रंग माचमा एउटा नया नाटक माचन भएको छ राष्ट्रप्रमुख र उपप्रमुख चुन्ने क्रममा । नेपाली राजनीतिका तेस्रो िलंगीहरुको पुर्नमिलनलाई खुब चाख दिएर हेरे जनताले । हामी सवैलाई थाहा थियो यी नपुंशकहरुबाट जनताको लागि खासै केही पनि जन्मदैन । भयो पनि त्यस्तै त्यत्रो जनयुद्ध र जनआन्दोलनपछि ऐतिहासिक उपलब्धीको रुपमा प्राप्त व्यक्ति त ूहमारा भारत महान् है ू भन्ने शैलीमा प्रस्तुत भए र सम्पुर्ण नेपालीको आत्मसम्मानमा चोट पुर्याए। बरु उनले मिैथलीमा सपथ लिएको भए हामीलाई चित्त बुझ्ने थियो । यी नपुंशकहरुले त्यस्तो गरिमामय पदमा यस्तो भ्रष्ट व्यक्तिलाई पुर्याएकि जसले न्यायलयको प्रतिष्ठा माथि बाराम्बार आघात पुर् याएका थिए र तस्करहरु संग मिलेर अकुत सम्पति जोडेका थिए आम जनताले उनीलाई चरेशानन्द भनेर पनि चिन्ने गर्छन । यसको प्रमाण त नेपाल बार एसोसियसन संग पनि सुरक्षीत छ ।
जे होस जनताको न्यायलयमा यस्ता बदमासहरु नाङ्गिसकेका छन् र बाकीलाई समयले राम्रै झापड हान्ने छ । हाम्रो आशा के हो भने ने क पा माओबादीको नेतृत्वमा बनेको सरकारले अहिले सम्मको बदनाम सत्ता सन्चालनको प्रबृत्तिलाइ क्रम भङ्ग गर्ने छ र एमाले काग्रेसले गरे जस्तो सत्ता दुरुपयोग र राष्ट्रघाति महाकाली सन्धी जस्तो गम्भिर अपराधको मुल्याङ्कन गर्ने छ भनेर हामी बिश्वास गर्छाैं । हामी सम्माननिय कमरेडहरु मार्फत राज्यको ध्यान आर्कषण गराउन चाहान्छौ कि सन्दकपुरको ल्य No Mens Line मा भारतीय मोटरहरु गुड्छन् माइमझुवा र सुस्ताका नेपालीहरु हरेक रात लुटिन्छन् लाखौ नेपालीहरु राज्य कहा छ भन्ने अनुभुति नै नभै नेपाली धर्तिमा बाचेका छन् । यो शिलशिला अब बन्द हुनु पर्छ र अब राज्य त्यहा त्यहा पुग्नु पर्छ जहा जहा नेपाली छन् ।
अन्त्यमा यस भन्दा अगाडी सत्तारोहण गर्नेहरुको मात्र जीबनशैलीमा आमुल परिबर्तन भएको हामीले देखेका छौं तर अब आमुल परिबर्तन साच्चिनै जनताको घर दैलोमा पुगोस भन्ने हाम्रो अभिलाषा हो ।
लेखक माचका सल्लाहकाकार संयोजक हुनुहुन्छ

PSM would like to extend its congratulations to the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) (CPN-M) for the recent election of Comrade Prachanda as Prime Minister of the newly born Republic of Nepal. The people of Nepal have inspired us in Malaysia for demonstrating their courage in defeating the ruling monarch and won the democratic struggle.

PSM is aware of CPN-M and the left in Nepal are still facing tremendous challenges and threats from various powerful capitalist forces whether from within or outside Nepal. We pledge our solidarity with the revolutionary masses in Nepal to fight against any attack from national capitalist or foreign imperialist forces. We believe only united revolutionary people can won the ultimate struggle against capitalism and building socialism from below.

We are looking for the participation of comrade Ved Jung Singh from CPN-M in the coming Socialism 2008 – Malaysia which will be held on 7-9 November 2008.

Your struggle is our inspiration.

Yours comradely regards,

Choo Chon Kai

International Bureau

Socialist Party of Malaysia / Parti Sosialis Malaysia (PSM)

correovermello noticias esta para servir a las masas populares en el conocimiento de las noticias de la Revolucion Proletaria Mundial saudos vermellos / saludos rojos

by the Secretariat of the Coalition of Radical Left (Greece)

Dear Chairman Prachanda,

On behalf of the Coalition of Radical Left, we address to you our warm congratulations for your election by the Constituent Assembly, with the full support of the Nepali People, to the post of Prime Minister in the first government of the Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal.

Through a creative and simultaneously laborious course, but always serving the interests of the Nepali People, you achieved to offer a democratic solution to the desires and the expectations of the millions of Nepali citizens who are struggling since many decades against totalitarian monarchy, corruption, underdevelopment and dependence by foreign powers.

The Coalition of Radical Left is wishing you full success to the new difficult task that you shoulder now, as we are confident that the formation of another progressive government favors the struggle undertaken by the peoples of the whole world in order to gain genuine democracy, social justice and national independence.

We ensure you that the progressive Greek People and the Greek Left are in solidarity with the People and the Left of Nepal, in a course leading to the creation and reinforcement of an International Front of the Peoples against the plague of neoliberalism and imperialism.

Success to your work!

Athens, 26 August 2008

For the Secretariat of the Coalition of Radical Left

Rudi Rinaldi, Coordinator

*****
Communist Organization of Greece / Kommounistiki Organosi Elladas (KOE)
International Relations Department

Email: laokratia@yahoo. com * aristera@tellas. com
Web: www.koel.gr * In English: international. koel.gr

Post address: Newspaper “Left!” * Isaia Salonon 6 * 11475 Athens, Greece
Phone: +30 210 6441745 * Fax: +30 210 6430024
*****

नेपाली जनप्रगतिशील मञ्च कतारस्थित नेपाली श्रमिकहरूको साझा सामाजिक संगठन हो र यो संगठन कतारस्थित नेपालीहरूको हक र हितका लागि केही वर्षदेखि क्रियाशील छ । संगठनले दोहास्थित नेपाली राजदूतावासको समेत सहयोगमा धेरै नेपालीहरूको उद्दार गरेको छ र ती मानवतस्करहरूले ठगी गरेको रकम फिर्ता गराउने र उनीहरूलाई न्याय दिलाउने काम पनि गर्दै आएको छ ।

यी मानव तस्करमध्येको प्रमुखका रूपमा कतारमा क्रियाशील व्यक्ति हुन सागर नेपाल । उनी नेपालबाट कतारमा नेपाली लगेर उनीहरूलाई बन्ध वा मजदुरका रूपमा बिक्री गरेर करोडौं रुपैयाँ कुम्ल्याउने काममा सफल हुँदै आएका छन् ।

नेपाली युवकहरूलाई कतारमा लगेर तस्करी गर्ने मात्र होइन, उनी मकाउ पठाउने र मासिक एक लाखसम्म तलव दिने भनी प्रलोभन देखाएर एकजनाबाट ४ लाखसम्म ठगीे गर्ने गर्दछन् । उनी कतारबाट प्रकाशित हुने कान्तिपुरका प्रमुख हुन् र उनले त्यहाँबाट प्रकाशित हुने कान्तिपुरलाई आफ्नो कालोधन्दा छोप्ने पर्दाका रूपमा प्रयोग गर्दै आएका छन् । यहाँबाट प्रकाशित कान्तिपुरका हरेक अंकमा मकाउ जाने नेपालीका लागि सुवर्ण अवसर भएको विज्ञापन प्रकाशित भएको पढ्न पाइन्छ । सागर नेपालको यो मानव तस्करीको लागि नेपाली जनप्रगतिशील मञ्च र दोहास्थित नेपाली राजदूत ठूलो अवरोध भएको हुनाले जनप्रगतिशील मञ्चलाई तहसनहस पार्ने र महामहिम राजदूत डा. सूर्यनाथ मिश्रलाई नेपाल फिर्ता बोलाउने कसरतमा लागेका छन् । तर उनी त्यो काममा अहिलेसम्म सफल हुन सकिरहेका छैनन् । कतारमा प्रभाव जमाएर बसेको सागर नेपालले नेतृत्व गरेको मानव तस्करी गिरोहमाथि अविलम्ब नियन्त्रण गरी उनलाई देशभित्र ल्याउन सरकारले कतार सरकारसमक्ष माग गरी राजदूतावासमार्फत कारबाही चलाउनुपर्दछ भन्ने कतारस्थित आमनेपाली श्रमिकहरूको जोडदार माग रहेको छ । विश्वास छ, सरकारले यी मानव तस्करलाई नेपाल फिर्ता गरी नेपाली युवकहरूको तस्करीलाई रोक्ने काममा तत्परता देखाउने छ ।

- कतारका नेपालीहरु

In a historic vote on 15 August 2008 in Kathmandu, Pushpa Kamal Dahal (aka Prachanda), chairman of the Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist (CPN-M), was elected first Prime Minister of the Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal, where now a “Maoist leads from the top of the world.” Prachanda garnered 80% of the votes cast in the Constituent Assembly. This turn came on the heels of the surprise election of Ram Baran Yadav of the Congress Party as new President of the Republic on 22 July, a move then regarded as a momentary serious blow to the CPN-M.

In elections on 10 April 2008, the CPN-M gained a clear popular mandate (40% of all elected delegates to the Constituent Assembly) after a decade-long armed struggle by the CPN-M against the recently deposed monarchy. As Shyam Shrestha stressed after the elections: “The Nepali people are rising, their level of arousal is amazing. They are more ahead in consciousness than the leadership of the political parties. The feudal class will try to resist change, but the CA composition and the level of awareness of the people is very high, they cannot withstand this pressure.”

With Prachanda now at the helm of state, the CPN-M is expected to gain ministerial control of a number of key ministries, as the CPN-M and its movement are given a chance to prove themselves: “to show they are serious about the social transformations in whose name they went to war. They have a very strong presence in the villages, and many now long for them to be able to build on the starts they have made at eroding caste and gender discrimination. They also promise a more equitable system of land ownership.”

Yet Prachanda and his party, even after the landslide electoral victory and now a democratically chosen Prime Minister, still rank high on Washington’s Terrorist Exclusion list. The DoS and the US Embassy in Kathmandu are juggling various definitions of ‘terrorism’ which they can try to apply to the CPN-M. U.S. Ambassador Nancy Powell is cautious in a recent interview in expressing how Washington really views the transformation in Nepal and underscores neoliberal concerns for promoting “the private sector, the free market and foreign direct investment” in the country: “We strongly hope that the new government will recognise that the private sector is by far the most powerful engine for economic growth.” Roshan Kissoon stresses: “When groups on the ‘terrorist’ list start winning elections, another curious thing takes place. The very term’ terrorist’ becomes inverted, its utter falsity is seen through, and a kind of moral collapse of the US and what it represents take place. There is a kind of moral reversal.”

It’s really important for progressives everywhere to better grasp the significance of what is happening in Nepal. Reportage on these pretty momentous developments is generally eclipsed in both the corporate and independent media, including much of the socialist press. As Gary Leupp commented last April, “It ought to be the ballot heard ’round the world. It ought to be front page news.” But it hasn’t been. You can read The Red Star, the English bi-weekly of the CPN-M, for firsthand reporting and views. A broad spectrum of local opinion on the Revolution and the challenges ahead in Nepal is reflected on a unique blog, well worth exploring.

The CPN-M is a major party within the Coordination Committee of the Maoist Parties and Organisations of South Asia (CCOMPOSA), made up of parties from Bangladesh, India, Sri Lanka, Bhutan, and the Communist Party of Iran (ML-M). CCOMPOSA also needs to be better known outside the region, however we may critique particular positions or tactics. Its Declaration was adopted in August 2002 and can help us to better understand the orientation of revolutionary socialists in South (and West) Asia who see themselves as part of a Maoist movement.

In Europe, the (n)PCI (nuovo Partito Comunista Italiano) in Italy, founded in Oct. 2004, has been especially outspoken in its support for the people’s struggle in Nepal. Its Founding Declaration sets out a new vision for revolutionary socialist reconstruction and mass mobilization in Italy and beyond. An article “The First Great Victory of the International Communist Movement in the 21st Century,” published in Italian in the party paper La Voce (1 July 2008), stresses the historic importance of what is happening in Nepal. The Party of the Committees to Support Resistance — for Communism (CARC) in Italy, closely allied since 2005 with the (n)PCI, issued an article on the Nepali Revolution in the current edition of The Red Star, drawing on the earlier article in La Voce. It is reprinted below, and raises important points for the broader international workers’ struggle.

The article notes the strong support for the Nepali revolutionary upsurge inside the International League of People’s Struggle. The ILPS, formed in 2001, is an umbrella organization of many NGOs. It recently mobilized activists to assist Dave Pugh in connection with his detention in India for his fact-finding work on the anti-displacement movement. Jose Maria Sison, ILPS chairperson, issued a “Letter of congratulations to Comrade Prachanda on his election as Prime Minister.” Few socialist parties or organizations have done so.

The Nepali Revolution deserves international solidarity. It can be a source of direct inspiration for people’s resistance hands-on along the southern face of the Himalaya and well beyond. In the region, it is feasible that “given the extreme and intensifying contradictions in Indian society, a real revolutionary regime in Nepal will have immediate and deep reverberations throughout India, especially the north and northeast. Furthermore, although it has no common border with Bangladesh, Nepal is only a few dozen kilometers from that country, most of whose 150 million people live in conditions of great hardship.” Writing in The Red Star, Kissoon is apprehensive but confident: “we have seen how a coup was engineered to stop Hamas becoming the government of Palestine. There is every reason to believe that the US is trying to plan something similar in Nepal. [. . .] Here, the CPN Maoist has planned accordingly, and prepared for any necessity.” The gains now being achieved and on the pathway forward need to be protected.

I worked many years in Nepal, but I and my students then never thought we would see the day of a Federal Democratic Republic dawning on Sagarmatha (Mt. Everest), now a reality. Roshan Kissoon, who taught English and much else to men and women of the People’s Liberation Army in the countryside, and who knows the people’s movement at the grassroots, puts it well: “For the masses of people in Nepal, the poor and the oppressed, the destitute and the landless, history is only just beginning.”

*******

The International Communist Movement and the Nepali Revolution

The ongoing revolution in Nepal is provoking many reactions within the international communist movement. Many are positive, others positive with reservations, and some negative. These many reactions demonstrate the importance of the Nepali revolution, and it is best if they develop and relate to each other and an open and frank debate develop within the many forces of the international communist movement. An open and frank debate is a necessary means for overcoming sectarianism, that is, in this case, the attitude to ignore each other, each shut in its own ideological or national ambit.

Sectarianism is a weakness of the international communist movement, persisting in this beginning of the new wave of proletarian revolution. A concomitant expression of this weakness is the attitude of the great aggregations of the international communist movement towards the Nepali revolution.

In fact, for decades, some great aggregations have been in existence, constituted in contrast with modern revisionism, which collect communist parties and organizations all around the world. The Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) itself is a member of one of these aggregations, and our party is one of another. These aggregations have not yet clearly expressed themselves on the meaning of the Nepali revolution. The only one that did so was the International League of People’s Struggle (ILPS), which, however, is an aggregation of mass organizations, not of political parties and organizations.

The fact that the existing aggregations of the international communist movement have not yet expressed themselves on the meaning of the Nepali revolution is important. In our view, it shows their limit.

All these aggregations, in fact, set themselves up and gained significance as means of struggle against modern revisionism. They have been useful in fighting this enemy of the communist movement, whose days, however, have come to an end in many countries. It maintains its strength in the international ambit and in some nations (i.e. in India, where it slaughters the popular masses, as it did in Nandigram, or in China, where it rules the country). However, elsewhere, revisionists no longer, or hardly, exist. Some disappeared with the collapse of the first socialist countries. Some in the imperialist countries practically vanished, as it happened in Italy with the latest elections. Some keep on existing but they have already been crushed, as it happened in the elections for the Constituent Assembly in Nepal. The more revisionists withdraw, the less anti-revisionism serves as a sufficient means to unite the various communist forces.

The many existing international aggregations are ideologically different among them (Marxist-Leninist, Marxist-Leninist with a positive attitude towards Mao Tse-tung’s thought, Marxist-Leninist- Maoist). Still, they have had anti-revisionism as the common character and strong point. The more this character loses importance, the more they lose it as a strong point around which they can rally.

Today, the various international aggregations of communist parties and organizations cannot say only what they are fighting against (revisionism, imperialism, etc.), but they have to say what they are fighting for. They have to mark out a course for advance. The fact that they can denounce revisionists’ lies and imperialists’ crimes, but they are unable to give their opinion or stutter about the situation in Nepal where Communists are advancing, is a sign of their difficulties.

None of the various aggregations of communist parties and organizations can set itself even as an embryo of a new International if it does not overcome this difficulty, if it just restricts itself to denouncing revisionism and imperialism, if it does not propose a course that could lead communists to victory, in the imperialist countries and the semi-colonial and oppressed ones, according to their respective specific conditions.

Such proposals do not arise from some individual genius, nor from the particular qualities of a single party or organization. They arise from an open and frank debate among the various communist parties and organizations on the international level. This debate, then, must be united to the practical organizations on all the struggle fronts (against imperialism, for defending the conquests of the working class and the masses, the oppressed peoples and nations, women, young people, environment, etc.) and to mutual solidarity. Then, the debate cannot be reduced to an empty and abstract talk: the common practice will confirm which positions are right and which are not.

Open and frank debate, common practice, and solidarity are the pillars that support the main road of the unity of the International Communist Movement.

CARC, International Relations Dept., July 2008

Since history of Nepal, she has been affected badly by the expansionist and interference policy of the Indian Government. Because of the negligence of the Indian Government and disobey of the past agreement, one of the dams of the Koshi river was broken. The flood made thousands of Nepalese People homeless and this caused a heavy damage as well. Now the affected People are really in very poor condition. It is a duty of human kind to assist the people in such condition whoever and wherever we are. So our organization, Nepalese People’s Progressive Forum, Belgium would like to heartily request to help in this relief collection movement. We also kindly inform you that the amount collected will be distributed visiting the affected area and the details of the assistance will be sent to the office of the Prime Minister of Nepal.
संपर्क

१।ब्रसेल्स लिलाधर पन्त ०४८८२४५४८०

घनश्यम शर्मा ०४९७८५९५९०

२।लुभेन हरी पाठक ०४९४६२९६०३

रामहरी घिमिरे ०९९२९०६८४

३। गेण्ट धरणीधर गौतम ०४८६०३५६११

बिष्णु बिश्वकर्मा ०४८७२९७०८०

४। बुग्रे टेक नारायण सापकोटा ०४८७३८२९६०

अजुन बाबु तिवारी ०४८४९२९११५

५।ओष्टनेडी किष्ण सुनार ०४८५४६४२९८

खेमराज न्यौपाने ०४९७८५९५९०

६। आन्थ्रेपेन चित्र सुबेदी ०४८४७८१८८२

प्रेम पाठक ०४८४७१८२३७

भारतीय विस्तारवाद विरुद्ध सशस्त्र आन्दोलन गर्दै आएको यस राष्ट्रिय मुक्ति सेना नेपालले विस्तारवादी भारतीय ुरअु का एजेन्टहरुमाथि ुठोस परिस्थितिमा ठोस कारवाहीु अन्तर्गत राष्ट्रिय भाषा र मातृभाषालाई छोडेर विदेशीलाई खुशी पार्न हिन्दी भाषामा शपथ खाने परमानन्द झामाथि भौतिक कारवाही गरेको जानकारी सगौरव गराउँदछौं । यसअघि यस संगठनले पटक पटक आत्मालोचना गरेर नेपाली जनतासामू माफी माग्न तथा विस्तारवादी रअको एजेन्ट त्यागेको सार्वजनिक घोषणा गर्न गरेको आग्रह र अल्टिमेटमलाई वेवास्ता गर्दै उल्टै जनतामाथि चलखेल जारी राखेकोले हामी भौतिक कारवाहीको लागि बाध्य भएका हौं । हामी नेपाललाई वैदेशिक हस्तक्षेप बिनाको स्वतन्त्र मुलुक र जनताले निर्णय अन्तिम हुने सार्वभौम सत्ता सम्पन्न मुलुक बनाउन चाहन्छौं । नेपाल र नेपालीको अस्तित्व रक्षाको लागि जतिसुकै बलिदानी गर्न पनि तयार रहेको यस संगठनले आगामी दिनमा कुनै पनि नेपालीलाई भारतीय रअको एजेन्ट नबन्न र बनेको भएमा यथासक्य चाँडो सार्वजनिक रुपमा त्याग गरेको घोषणा गर्न आग्रह गर्दछौं । साथै हामी नेपाल र नेपालीविरुद्ध कुनै प्रकारको युद्ध गर्ने लक्ष्य बोकेको संगठन भई विशुद्ध सार्वभौम नेपालमाथि विभिन्न प्रकारका हस्तक्षेपहरु जारी राखी दिल्लीबाट चल्ने रिमोटको अन्त्य गर्न चाहन्छौं । नेपाली जनताले दुई सय ४० वर्षे निरंकुश तानाशाही शाह वंशीय राजतन्त्रको अन्त्य गरेर संघीय लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्र स्थापना गरेका छन् । तर यो कलिलो गणतन्त्रलाई भुटानीकरण हुँदै सिक्किमीकरण गर्ने अभियानमा यतिखेर विस्तारवाद लागि परेको छ । त्यसैले हामी आफ्नो स्वाभिमान राष्ट्रियताको रक्षाको लागि नेपालबाट रअको संगठन ध्वस्त पार्न चाहन्छौं । विदेशीको बुइृ्र चढेर नेपाल र नेपालीमाथ घात गर्ने जो कोहीलाई पनि नेपाली भएर बाँच्ने अधिकार छैन भन्ने हाम्रो संगठनको ठहर छ । राजनीतिक दलको आडमा विस्तारवादका एजेन्ट बन्दै नेपालको सत्ताको साँचो दिल्लीमा सुम्पनेहरुलाई फेरि पनि एक पटक हामी आग्रह गर्दछौं कि कम्तिमा नेपाली जनताको लागि मातृभूमिको लागि तपाईहरुले रअको एजेन्ट त्यागिदिनुस् ।

हाम्रो यस राष्ट्रिय मुक्ति युद्धमा स्वाभिमानी नेपाली जनताले साथ दिनुहुनेछ भन्ने विश्वासका हामीले लिएका छौं ।

क्रान्तिकारी अभिभावदन सहित धन्यवाद ।

न्ोपालको इतिहासमा स्वर्ण अक्षरले लेख्दै नेपाली संघीय लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्रको प्रथम प्रधानमन्त्रिको रुपमा संविधान सभावाट दुइ तिहाइ भन्दा वढी मत ल्याई निर्वाचित हुनुभएकोमा हामी नेकपा माओवादीका अध्यक्ष क प्रचण्डलाई हार्दिक वधाई ज्ञापन गर्दछौं। न्ोपाली जनताको जनादेशलाई स्वीकार गर्दै यस अग्रगामी कदमलाई प्रस्ताव र समर्थन गर्दै यसको पक्षमा मतदान गर्ने नेकपा एमाले र मधेशी जनअधिकार फोरम लगायत अन्य दलहरुका सभासद्हरु तथा स्वतन्त्र सभासद्हरुमा र यो महान कार्य सुम्पने नेपाली जनतालाई हामी हार्दिक धन्यवाद ज्ञापन गर्दछौं ।

न्ोपाली जनताको आवस्यकता र चाहना वमोजिमको सार्वभौम र सुसम्पन्न नयां नेपाल निर्माण गर्ने स्पष्ट प्रतिवद्धता सहित महान शहिदहरुको विचारले लैश सर्वहारा वर्गीय क्रान्तिकारी पार्टी नेकपा माओवादीका अध्यक्ष नै यस गरीमामय पदमा निर्वाचित हुनुभएकोमा अव नेपाली जनताले तत्कालको लागि आफ्नो जनजीवनमा राहत तथा वास्तविक अर्थमा संघीय लोकतान्त्रिक गणतान्त्रिक संविधानको लेखन भई त्यसको कडाइका साथ कार्यान्वयन हुने कुरामा विश्वास गर्ने वातावरण वनेको छ ।

न्ायां नेपालको पुर्ण रुपमा पुनस्रंरचना गर्नको लागि जातीय तथा क्षेत्रीय आधारमा स्वायत्तता तथा सम्पुर्ण उत्पिडित जातीक्षेत्रिलं¨ तथा उत्पिडित वर्गलाई विशेषाधिकारको व्यवस्था सहितको नयां नेपाल निर्माण गर्नको लागि रणनैतिक दृढता र कार्यशैलिमा लचकताको वीचको तार्किक तालमेल र यसलाई कुशलतापुर्वक नेतृत्व प्रदान गर्ने क प्रचण्ड अव नेकपा माओवादीका मात्र नेता नभइ सम्पुर्ण नेपालीको मार्गनिर्देशक वन्नुभएको छ ।

साम्राज्यवाद र विश्व सर्वहारा वर्ग वीचको अन्तरविरोधको यो पेचिलो लडाईंको परिवेशमा सर्वहारा वर्गका नेताको नेतृत्वमा नेपाल सरकारले जनमुखी कार्यक्रमहरु लिएर अगाडि जान अत्यन्तै कठिन र चुनौतिको विषय हुंदाहुदै पनि नेपाली जनताको पक्षमा खरो भएर उत्रनमहान शहिदहरुको मार्गनिर्देशन अनुसार र क्रान्तिकारी संघर्षवाट विचलित नभै आफ्ो पार्टी पंक्तिलाई सर्वहारा अनुशासनमा चुस्त दुरुस्त राख्न क प्रचण्डको यो नयां खालको कार्यकाल पनि सफल रहोस भन्ने हामी कामना गर्दछौं ।

यो नयां नेपाल निर्माणको महान कार्यमा आ आफ्नो ठाउंवाट तथा संगठित रुपमा सचेत भएर सहयोग गर्नहुन हामी सम्पुर्ण प्रवासी नेपालीहरुलाई यसै सन्देश मार्फत अनुरोध गर्दछौं।

संयुक्त नेपाली मोर्चा युरोप

अध्यक्ष नवीन सापकोटा

नेपाली जनजाति सरोकार माचयुरोप

अध्यक्ष राम वहादुर गुरुङ्घ

नेपाली जनप्रगतिशिल मंच बेल्जियम

अध्यक्ष विष्णु भुजेल

नेपाली जनजाति सरोकार माच वेल्जियम

अध्यक्ष गम वहादुर गुरुङ्घ

नेपाली जनप्रगतिशिल मंच फ्रान्स

अध्यक्ष अशोक घले

अन्तराष्ट्रियतावादी नेपाली ऐक्यवद्धता मंचजर्मनी तेश्रो राष्ट्रिय सम्मेलन आयोजक समितीका

संयोजक प्रभाकर शर्मा

अन्तराष्ट्रियतावादी नेपाली ऐक्यवद्धता मंचस्वीट्जरल्याण्ड

अध्यक्ष्य अशोक चौलागाई

नेपाली लोकतान्त्रिक गणतान्त्रिक मोर्चा पोर्चगल

अध्यक्ष राम व गौचन

नेपाली लोकतान्त्रिक गणतान्त्रिक मोर्चा नेदरल्याण्ड

संयोजक तुलसी अंगाई

नेपाली लोकतान्त्रिक गणतान्त्रिक मोर्चा जर्मनी

अध्यक्ष गंगालाल श्रेष्ठ

नेपाली जनप्रगतिशिल शान्ति समाज अष्ट्रिया

अध्यक्ष राजेस खतिवडा

नेपाली समाज युके सम्मेलन आयोजक समितिका

संयोजक सुरेश गौतम

नेपाली जनप्रगतिशिल मंच स्पेन

अध्यक्ष ईश्वर शर्मा

नेपाली समाज रोम इटाली

अध्यक्ष वावुराम खतिवडा

नेपाली लोकतान्त्रिक गणतान्त्रिक मोर्चा बेल्जियम

महासचिव कृष्ण तिवारी

अन्तराष्ट्रियतावादी नेपाली ऐक्यवद्धता मंच स्विजरल्याण्ड

अध्यक्ष अशोक चौलागाई

नेपाली समाज नर्वे

स्ांयोजक डा कृष्ण अर्याल

मगर राष्ट्रिय मुक्ति मोर्चानेपाल इकाई समिति वेल्जियम

संयोजक कुल व मगर

नेपाली प्रगतिशील महिला माचवेल्जियम

संयोजक कल्पना मगर

नेपाली जनप्रगतिशील माच डेनमार्क

संयोजक उदय गौतम

१६ अगष्ट २००८

On the other hand, 113 CA members – the Nepali Congress members voted
against.

With Chairman Prachanda the Prime Minister the really difficult work
begins, Democracy and Class Struggle has expressed reservations about
CPN Maoist forming Government at this stage, but we can at best only
second guess developments in Nepal - Prachanda is rightly the leader
of the CPN Maoist and now Prime Minister and knows the situation on
the ground and the balance of of political forces better than any of
us.

Koirala has forecast the new Government will not last two months, and
will do his best to make the new government fall. See his activities
reported in Janadisha Daily on this site.

It up to the leadership of the CPN Maoist to prove him wrong by
setting in motion a new dynamic of the forces of democracy and social
progress. The Masses are with you comrade Prachanda.

There are tough times ahead and the CPN Maoist must not drop its
guard has it seeks to work with the UML and MJF. Openess but
vigilance must be be watchwords has the new chapter of Nepalese
history unfolds raising high the hopes and aspirations people all
over the worls..

The application of Marxism-Leninism- Maoism to the concrete reality of Nepal, synthesized by “Prachanda path” is a challenge for all
Maoist communist parties in the world and we must take lessons from the advances as well as form the defeats.
Now as before the proletarian and the masses in Nepal led by a Maoist Communist party must apply the concrete analysis of the concrete situation, the mass line of the present situation for advancing and wining.

Already In the historic Seminar of December 2006 in Nepal toghether with the development of the analysis of imperialism, the summing up of the experience of the International Communist Movement and socialism, the battle for Revolution in the 21st century, there was a reflection, before the development of movements about the Nepali Revolution and the theoretical, political and practical contribution to the science of the Marxism-Leninism- Maoism brought by the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) and comrade Prachanda.

At the International seminar in Italy on the 30th - 31st August 2008 we want to debate these items and problems in the fire of class struggle. The struggle for new democracy in Nepal is a intergrant part of the new wave of the world proletarian revolution. The best support to the Nepali Revolution is to advance in the revolutionary struggle in the heart of the countries of globalized imperialism, applying the concrete reality of these countries the science of revolution.

proletari comunisti for PCm-Italy
(Communist Worker magazine of Maoist Communist Party of Italy

ro.red@libero. it

PRETENSE AT GENEROSITY WITH FULL MALICE
BY US IMPERIALISM AND THE ARROYO REGIME

By Professor JOSE MARIA SISON
Chief Political Consultant
National Democratic Front of the Philippines

The National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) has consistently supported the Moro people’s right to self-determination. This ranges from the right to regional autonomy in a nonoppressive state to the right to secede from the oppressive state that exists in the Philippines. Even an individual who finds himself or herself oppressed by a state has the right to separate from it.

In a manner of speaking, the Filipino people and revolutionary forces within the framework of the NDFP and the growing revolutionary organs of political power have seceded or separated themselves from the oppressive semicolonial and semifeudal state system that is ruled by the comprador big bourgeoisie and landlord class, and are striving to build the new people’s democratic state system that is based on the alliance of the toiling masses of workers and peasants and the middle social strata.

When I read the Memorandum of Agreement (MOA) that was supposed to be signed by representatives of the MILF and the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) in Malaysia on August 5, 2008, I thought immediately that the contents which appeared to recognize and concretize the Bangsamoro’s right to self-determination and ancestral domain were too good and too generous to be true. The MOA was so contrary to the greedy and brutal character of the GRP, whose presumptions and actuations I have long known in the course of revolutionary struggle and the GRP-NDFP peace negotiations.

It was almost predictable that the signing of the MOA would be aborted. The public release of the draft only a few days before the date of signing was clearly meant to stir up a controversy big enough to cause the abortion. Had the Arroyo regime really meant to push through the MOA, it should have worked it out with the MILF and other interested parties at the latest within the first half of the year or even late last year. But the MOA was never meant to be, either to be signed or to be realized, as GRP officials would reveal.

Top subalterns of the fake and mendacious president such as Ermita, Esperon and Dureza declared that the MOA was just a piece of paper, subject to existing GRP laws, further legislation and constitutional amendment. Fr. Joaquin Bernas, SJ, whom they had consulted all along, also confirmed that the MOA was nothing more than a piece of paper, despite the regime’s rather expensive much ado about it.

The patriotic and progressive forces and the people are reasonably concerned that the MOA had been devised by the untrustworthy and sneaky Arroyo as a way for pushing a charter change to allow her to stay in power beyond 2010, without really having to give substantial concessions to the MILF. But they must look further into the obnoxious joint objectives of the US government (together with the Japanese and Australian governments) and the Arroyo regime in seeming to be for the MOA and making the MILF believe that the GRP was serious about signing this.

Under the direction of the US State Department, the US Institute of Peace has been busy in carrying out the Philippine Facilitation Project since 2003 in order to help produce something like the MOA. It is obvious that the US has been out to sidle up to and ingratiate itself with the MILF and the Bangsamoro in order to further strengthen its position in exploiting the human and natural resources of the Bangsamoro and deploying US military forces in Mindanao.

At this point, the question is: With the signing aborted, is the MOA still useful to the major parties directly involved in drafting or facilitating it? The MILF can continue to use the MOA as a standard or minimum basis for negotiating with the GRP. The GRP or the Arroyo regime can also use the same thing for putting off serious formal negotiations with the MILF and for hyping the need for charter change. Unilaterally or in cahoots with the GRP, the US can use the high expectations raised by the MOA among the MILF and Bangsamoros to justify US military presence and advance US hegemony in Mindanao.

Certainly, such expectations can never be realised through the kindness of the US and the GRP and without the persevering struggle of the Moro people. The GRP and its imperialist masters are merely using the MOA as a device of pretended generosity to MILF in order to seize the propaganda initiative, to prolong GRP-MILF informal talks and ceasefire and to deploy larger US and Philippine military forces against the MILF and the Bangsamoro.

The pretense at generosity is full of malice. It is calculated to outwit and outflank the MILF and the Bangsamoro and to facilitate frontal military attacks against them. They are being left no choice but to wage revolutionary struggle in order to advance their cause of national self-determination. There is a heightened need for the unity, cooperation of the MILF and the NDFP in their distinct and common concerns and causes against the same adversaries. ###

अखिल नेपाल जनसांस्कृतिक महासंघ

कोचिला राज्य समिति अन्तगत सुखानी परिवारको प्रस्तुति नेपाली वर्ग संर्घषमा आधारीत लघु चलचित्र परिणाम साउदी अरेवियामा आई पुगेको छ । प्रगतिशिल विचार भएका र यस लुघु चलचित्र हेर्न चाहाने प्रवासी नेपालीहरुले निम्न नंहरुमा सम्पर्क गरी लिन सहिने छ ।

नारायण गैरे ०५६९३१२९०३ प्रेमध्वज लामा ०५४६१३८७६३ र रोहित बा। जिरेल ०५६०५८५०४९

Most readers will know that it was white setters who, in the 1890s, occupied the country that were to call Southern Rhodesia. Soon they laid foundations of the racially skewed land ownership that remains at the heart of its turbulent politics. In 1923, Southern Rhodesia was annexed to the British crown; its African inhabitants thereby became British subjects, and the colony received its basic constitution.

After the onset of self-government in 1923, the major issue in Southern Rhodesia was the relationship between the European settlers and the African population. And, in 1930, Southern Rhodesia adopted a land apportionment act imposing that about half the total land area, including all the mining and industrial regions and all the areas served by railroads or roads, was reserved for Europeans. Most of the rest was designated as Tribal Trust Land, native purchase land, or unassigned land. Later acts firmly entrenched the policy of dividing land on a racial basis.

Similarly, measures were taken in political sphere to guarantee white settlers dominance. Property and education qualifications for voting were put in place. Although slightly modified over the years, they ensured a situation up to 1979 in which whites had 95% of the votes in national elections, while they were never more than 5% of the population.

During the mid-1950s, as the world was overflowing with national liberation movements, a Black Nationalist movement emerged in Rhodesia. The Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) - closer to people’s China-and the Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU)-closer to soviet Russia-both espoused an increasingly militant nationalism. ZANU came to be led by Robert Mugabe and drew on a largely Shona speaking majority, while Joshua Nkomo led ZAPU, supported primarily by the Sindebele speaking minority.

Problems in Rhodesia deepened after this, largely as a result of regional and international political pressure, African nationalist demands, and African guerrilla activities. Members of African nationalist groups were increasingly subjected to persecution and arrest. Nevertheless, guerrilla activity continued. Meanwhile, the British government had begun new consultations on the conflict. Negotiations that began at Lancaster House, in England, resulted in an agreement, on a new, democratic constitution, democratic elections, and independence. Following elections held in February, Robert Mugabe became the first prime minister and formed a coalition government that included Joshua Nkomo. The independent nation of Zimbabwe was proclaimed on 18 April 1980.

When Zimbabwe gained independence, 46.5% of the country’s arable land was still owned by around 6,000 commercial farmers. Mugabe accepted a “willing buyer, willing seller” plan as part of the Lancaster House Agreement of 1979, among other concessions to the white minority. As part of this agreement, land redistribution was blocked for a period of 10 years.

The Thatcher government had begun to deal with the land issue, as did her successor, John Major. But when Tony Blair took over in 1997, they simply dropped doing anything about it. Consider the implications of the long struggle; the nationalists, who had the repossession of land as a key objective of their struggle, were now being told by the British government that they were not going to go ahead with it. The Zimbabwean government waited patiently for more than 10 years, but the British government defaulted. And the Zimbabweans were left with no choice but to occupy the lands that were usurped from them and therefore, rightly belong to them. Indeed, in the larger context of Africa it is a birth right to have land inherited from parents. This explains why local people love him and those conditioned by western training demonize him.

Of course, there are some things which President Mugabe and his colleagues have done are totally wrong - as the police beating of Morgan Tsvangirai. Mugabe minus his shortfalls, corruption and beating opposition members is still a true African hero. This is why very few African leaders are willing to raise a finger against him, and can also explain why the sensible ones have kept mum. He is a true Pan-Africanist, and a dedicated anti-imperialist who stands strong against forces of Western imperialism in Africa. This is why the West hates him and wants to see him out of power. Zimbabwe’s sovereignty is in danger! There is a neo-imperialist project in the guise of humanitarian intervention in Zimbabwe; to introduce western style democracy and put a puppet regime that will cater to the needs of western powers.

(After returning from China)

32 years have passed since Mao-tse-tung died, but for the Chinese people he lives their memories. The Chinese people honour Mao not only as a great liberator but also as maker of fortune for China and the Chinese people.

Last month, four Nepalese journalists including me went to a beautiful town in Linchi, in the Tibet Autonomous Region. The local farmers greeted us and took us to the local Communist party office. We discussed with the party representatives, including the Chatang community Chair Nima.

After the discussion, we learnt about a community set-up in a town where 52 families (of 206 people) had constructed a commune. Their lives drastically changed after the commune was set up. We visited the commune and saw nearly every house: Every family had a well-made house and enough food to eat. Every house has TV, a computer, a fridge, a washing machine, a car or motorcycle, and telephone etc. All of them had mobile phones. They had modern tools for farming and vehicles to transport milk and vegetables to the market. The farmers even had part time jobs in the town and city. The children went to a good school and there were education faculties for the elderly.

We asked some older members of the community what it was like 10 years ago. They said: “It’s hard to compare the present situation with the situation we had 10 years ago. We didn’t even have enough food to eat, no electricity, no school. We lived in very miserable conditions.” The farmers of the Chatang community could not have imagined that their life would change in a short span of time.

In the community, we saw big portraits of Mao Zedong, the first leader of the Peoples Republic of China, in their common rooms. We wanted to know what they thought about Mao. We asked Nima why the people hang his portrait in their houses. He told us that Chairman Mao was one of the greatest leaders of the world.

“He was our liberator. Had Mao not been born in China, then there would have been no communist state established in China. Because Mao accomplished the revolution, modern China was established and life of poor farmers like us changed a lot.” Nima also added that Deng Xiaoping continued the transformation after Mao’s death.

Nima also told us about the management system of the community. He said that eight sub-committees are formed to manage the community; the community party unit, the village association, the women wing, the youth league, the defence committee, the volunteer committee and the environmental protection committee. The representatives of the Communist party unit, women’s wing, youth and village associations are elected among the members of the community, whereas the remaining are nominated by the elected committee. Women’s participation is more or less equal to the men.

The government of China allocates a certain budget to the community office. Education, health, and drinking water are guaranteed fundamental rights, and the responsibility of the government. Nima told us that the Chinese government has guaranteed the people food and shelter. He said the community set-up changed their lives and brought big changes. He thinks that the future of Chinese people is bright because of the pro-people policies of Communist Party of China.

1 National consensus on security, foreign policy and water resources
2 Redefining of foreign policy
3 Review or replacement of old treaties with other countries
4 Repatriation of Bhutanese refugees
5 Nationalisation of properties ex-king and his family
6 Revival of local bodies on consensus basis
7 Logical conclusion to peace process
8 Adjustment of Maoist combatants in three to six months
9 Immediate relief to conflict-hit
10 Formation of commissions envisaged by CPA
11 High priority on reconstruction of physical infrastructure
12 Smooth supply of essentials
13 Revamping of National Planning Commission.
14 Public-private partnership
15 Revolutionary land reforms

Kathmandu, 03.08.08 El PCN (m) ha presentado a los partidos presentes en la Asamblea Constituyente un documento que recoge los principales puntos de un furturo gobierno maoísta.

Consenso nacional en seguridad, politica exterior y recursos acuiferos.
Refinición de la politca exterior.
Revision o remplazo de los viejos tratados con otros paises.
Repatriación de los refugiados del Bhutan.
Nacionalizació n de los bienes del ex-Rey y su familia.
Reactivación de los organismos locales, en base al consenso.
Conclusion logica del acuerdo de paz.
Incorporación de los combatientes maoístas en tres o seis meses.
Inmediato alivio del conflicto.
Formación de las comisiones de control de cuentas.
Prioridad en la reconstucción de las infraestructuras.
Garantizar los suministros de productos basicos.
Renovar la Comisión Nacional de Planificación.
Relacion publico-privado.
Reforma agraria revolucionaria.

The siren call of the Nepali Congress for CPN Maoist to form
government is nothing but a rope for the CPN Maoist to hang itself
with.

Arjun Narsingh of the Nepali Congress says.

“We still believe and want the Maoists to form and lead the new
government. That was our earlier decision and we stick by it,”
Narsingh said. “We will not be an obstacle for them in this matter.”

The CPN Maoist rightly ignores such siren calls and should
concentrate on exposing the new alliance of the bankrupt parties and
their new government to build on its popular support registered in
the Elections.

The CPN Maoist Programme cannot be implemented under current political
conditions of the new President and Vice President.

Therefore exposing the opportunists of the CP UML and Nepali Congress
and MJF is the task of the hour so that the CPN Maoist can sweep the
remainder of the CP UML, the Nepali Congress and their new found
Madhesi partner the MJF from electoral office over the days,months
and if necessary years.

The People of Nepal want democratic change but the “Unholy” Alliance
does not.

The political landscape in Nepal has changed and the CPN Maoist has
to adjust its strategy and tactics to fit that terrain.

This has blocked the ability of the Maoists to pick the next president, and is helping millions of people in Nepal see the obstacles to advancing the anti-feudal anti imperialist revolution within the framework of the existing state.

We have reposted below a timely editorial by nickglais, the editor of Democracy and Class Struggle. And we will be posting more news posts on this on our South Asia Revolution site and on our Kasama blog — and urge you to inform folks you know about these developments — including both their danger and opportunity.

Prachanda has pointed out that this approach has backing outside Nepal .

In many ways, there are suggestions that there might be a showdown — under conditions where the Nepali Maoists have an army, have proven their legitimacy through popular support, and are being blocked by forces that have been widely discredited.

We should pool our thoughts and resources — both to bring this situation to the attention of many more people, and to be prepared if a decisive showdown of some kind emerges.

It is in moments like that in which a revolution either succeeds and wins, or is stalemated and perhaps crushed. It is through such desperate moves by reactionaries that they expose their anti-people nature, their disregard for the choices of the people, and when it becomes more clear that a revolutionary seizure of power is key to the achievement of liberation.

We have created a space on Kasama threads for discussing this. And would love to hear your thoughts and plans by email or by post there.

There are a number of articles that have appeared that show the Maoists have been preparing their ranks for this moment and have a sense that they may be approaching a decisive moment.

We particularly urge you to study and circulate Basanta’s important “The Present Deadlock and our Tasks.”

We also urge you to read and circulate our own “Eyes on the Maobadi: 4 Reasons Nepal’s Revolution Matters.” It serves as a popular introduction to this very radical revolution and its potential for influencing the world. (also in pdf)

Stay alert. Stay informed. Stay in Touch.

Mike Ely contact: kasamasite (at) yahoo.com